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We have seen how Bolton has been able to delay and even partially undo one of the president's initial decisions in Syria (all the while emphasizing that the president's decision was being faithfully carried out), and his fingerprints are all over the demise of the INF Treaty. Now we are starting to see the same thing happen with North Korea policy. Bolton's combination of shameless flattery of the president and relentless promotion of hard-line policies threaten to usher in one or more foreign policy debacles in the remaining years of the Trump presidency.But in the meantime, in return for his occasional, minor humilation, Bolton enjoys wide-ranging authority to craft the national security policy of the United States, behind the scenes. He's the contra Mattis; instead of resigning in moral protest, Bolton wears the mask of obsequiousness, while subtly nudging a reluctant president toward a more tough-minded line.
Bolton the Ideologue
There was an important detail in this article on Bolton and the National Security Council that merits a few comments:There have not been many of these meetings since Bolton took over as National Security Advisor, and this has been most noticeable for some of the most important decisions that Trump has taken as president. There weren't any meetings held to discuss abandoning the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, and there weren't any held to discuss quitting the INF Treaty. Major administration foreign policy decisions have been made without serious consideration of their costs and potential pitfalls, and that's because Bolton doesn't want those costs and pitfalls to be considered.But before he resigned, the defense secretary wrote a sharply worded letter to Bolton, insisting that the paucity of meetings was crippling the policy process. Mattis was particularly upset that not a single principals committee meeting had been held to discuss U.S. withdrawal from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty with Russia, the INF.
Anthony Blinken wrote about this earlier this year, and he explained that the lack of these meetings increases Bolton's control over policy:Bolton has no interest in hearing dissenting views, and he certainly doesn't want to present those views to the president. He does a truly terrible job of running a policy process that presents the president with a full range of views and options because he long ago decided what the policy should be. Bolton hated both the INF Treaty and the JCPOA, and he was determined to get the U.S. out of both. Why would he bother consulting with other members of the administration when they might have a different opinion? The result is that an ideologue answerable to no one but the president has acquired unusually great influence over the substance of major foreign policy decisions, and all the while he keeps up the pretense that he is merely an adviser.Under Mr. Bolton, the National Security Council headed by the president, the Principals' Committee headed by Mr. Bolton and the Deputies Committee, which I once led and which coordinates policy deliberations, have gone into deep hibernation.
Some combination of these committees typically met multiple times a day. Now, it is reportedly once or twice a week at most. The result is greater control of the policy process for Mr. Bolton and fewer messy meetings in which someone might challenge his wisdom. Mr. Mattis, who once complained about death by meetings, protested to Mr. Bolton about the lack of them.

The rendition flights transported terrorism suspects to and from secret detention sites where they were subjected to what is euphemistically known as "enhanced interrogation techniques," or torture. On their way back to the US, they frequently made stopovers on UK territory, including Scotland.
Scottish territory was a "vital part" of the program, Dr Sam Raphael of the research group The Rendition Project told the Glasgow-based Daily Record. "The question remains: Can those involved in these serious crimes be brought to justice?"
In 2014, the Record revealed that police were looking at at least six stopovers, at Prestwick and Glasgow airports. Another 13 possible rendition flights had landed at Aberdeen, Inverness and Wick between 2004 and 2006, according to researchers.
One of these flights, the paper reported, was transporting the 9/11 terrorist attack suspect Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who was taken from Afghanistan to Poland for interrogation in March 2003.
The CIA-owned N379P Gulfstream V jet had stopped at Glasgow Airport after dropping Mohammed off at "Detention Site Blue" in Poland, according to the Rendition Project. Chief Constable Iain Livingstone testified to Scottish lawmakers that US officials had refused permission to board the plane on that occasion.
That particular plane had made almost a dozen known rendition flights, and was dubbed "Guantanamo Express," according to the Daily Record. It was eventually sold to Australia in 2006.
The true extent of CIA's rendition and torture program remains unknown to this day. In December 2012, the US Senate Intelligence Committee finalized a report on the program that took five years to compile and cost an estimated $40 million. A 525-page excerpt of the report, containing the executive summary and key findings, was made public in December 2014; the full document is still classified.

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