© The National Interest/Wikimedia CommonsDolphin II–class submarine INS Tanin at the HDW shipyard in Kiel.
Thirty years ago, I led a joint Department of Defense/Israeli Navy (IN) team that evaluated Israel's naval modernization program. Our agreed conclusion was that its two components,
surface corvettes and submarines, both deserved American support. We recommended to both Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and Minister of Defense Yitzhak Rabin that
the corvettes be built in the United States, while Israel be permitted to use
offshore procurement funds to acquire German-built submarines. Both ship types were to be built to Israeli specifications and equipped with Israeli systems. Secretary Weinberger agreed with our conclusions, as did Minister Rabin.
Within seven years Israel had launched its first
Saar 5 corvette, and, bolstered by German financing, had begun the program that resulted in
Israel's acquisition of three submarines, named the Dolphin class. In 2006, Israel acquired
three more upgraded versions of the Dolphin sub from Germany. The first of the three was commissioned in 2014, another earlier this year, and a third will be commissioned in 2018. The Israeli press has reported that these submarines
carry nuclear-tipped missiles; as such, they would constitute a powerful deterrent to Iran or any other nation threatening the security, indeed the existence, of the Jewish State.
Israel's procurement of these submarines has
partially been funded by Germany. The
remaining costs borne by Israel have in effect been subsidized by the U.S. taxpayer by virtue of the Offshore Procurement (OSP) program. This program, virtually
unique to Israel, allows it to apply American foreign military assistance funding to projects of its own. Since money is fungible, the OSP funds offer Israel considerable flexibility in budget management, and enable its programmers and budgeteers to reallocate funds in order to free up resources for foreign purchases.
Ever since Caspar Weinberger blessed the submarine plan, its existence has never been the source of major controversy in Washington. Now, however, having so
recently purchased three more submarines, Israel has reportedly contracted with Germany for
yet another three. The deal has caused an outcry in Israel. Former Israeli Defense Minister Bogie Ya'alon has publicly stated that he had
opposed the deal when it was proposed. It appears that the Chief of Staff of the Israeli Defense Forces was
not aware of the deal either, nor, for that matter, was the Commander of the Israeli Navy. In their collective view,
Israel required no new submarines for well over another decade; the money that the boats would cost could have more usefully applied to other programs.
Adding to the confusion surrounding the purchase, the Israeli press has reported that
the deal was concluded by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's private lawyer, who was also acting as an agent for the German shipbuilder. Moreover, the
unanimous opposition of Israel's defense leadership, and the fact that they were
not informed it was taking place, has cast a further cloud over Prime Minister Netanyahu's approval of the deal. The Prime Minister has asserted that Israel needed to complete the submarine purchase now, because Chancellor Angela Merkel is a good friend of the Jewish State, and some later successor might not be as willing to accommodate Israel's needs. Yet Israel's
Dolphin fleet was acquired when Helmut Kohl, not Merkel, was chancellor, and there is no evidence that a future chancellor would necessarily block any additional German submarine sales to Israel.
It is not clear whether Washington was informed of Israel's intentions regarding the submarine purchase. Certainly, there was
no joint evaluation of the project similar to that which I led decades ago. Yet American offshore funding for Israel is as fungible as it has ever been, and the
American taxpayer is effectively subsidizing this new round of submarine procurement. It may be too late for the Obama administration to do much about the Israeli submarine purchase, but the incoming
Trump administration should insist that Israel not move ahead until the Pentagon, working in tandem with Israel's Navy, has had a chance to review the new submarine program, especially since the IN itself has reservations about it.
The incoming Trump administration is committed to provide Israel unremitting support. But so too was the Reagan administration, in which I was serving when the previous Israeli submarine program was under consideration.
"Support" during the Reagan presidency never meant a blank check; thirty years later, it should likewise not mean one when Donald Trump and his team take on the reins of governance early next year.
Dov S. Zakheim is vice chairman of the Center for the National Interest.
When I saw the name, Zakheim I wondered what he had to say and why he said to halt payments, because under his watch $2.3 trillion went missing!!! Gifts to Israel most likely, but at the very least unaccounted for.
From this link on Sott:
The Real Bogeyman: To What Extent Was Mossad Involved in the Events Leading to 9/11?
First, consider the following excerpts from an article by former member of the Office of Naval Intelligence, Wayne Madsen which recently appeared at Opinion Maker. The title of the article is..."Rabbi Dov Zakheim was co-author of the PNAC paper on rebuilding America's defenses, which advocated the necessity of a Pearl Harbor-like incident to mobilize America against Muslims and the Mideast. Zakheim served as Pentagon comptroller from May 4, 2001 to March 10, 2004. Two extraordinarily large sums of money disappeared from the Pentagon on his watch. On September 10, 2001, the day before 9/11, $2.3 trillion was reported missing by Donald Rumsfeld. Some time later, Zakheim was unable to account for another trillion dollars. Also, while he was at the Pentagon, Zakheim arranged for top-quality American F-15 and F-16 jet fighters to be sold as "surplus" to Israel, at a fraction of their real cost and value. "
Yes, Zakheim is first and foremost for Israel, so I think his article is partly to present the view of the Israeli navy, who are not too happy with the submarine deal as he mentions at the end:
"...but the incoming Trump administration should insist that Israel not move ahead until the Pentagon, working in tandem with Israel's Navy, has had a chance to review the new submarine program, especially since the IN itself has reservations about it."