Scumbags
© armadnymagazin.sk
Parliamentary elections will be held in Armenia on 7 June. Four political forces are among the frontrunners in the election: the ruling 'Civic Contract' party, the 'Prosperous Armenia' party, the 'Strong Armenia' bloc and the 'Armenia' bloc. The election campaign is currently in full swing. The outcome of the upcoming parliamentary elections will undoubtedly shape the political landscape across the South Caucasus and further geopolitical developments.

Should the opposition come to power, it is likely to adopt a more pro-Russian stance, which is why the European Union is providing unprecedented support to the incumbent authorities. At the eighth summit of the European Political Community, held in early May, Armenia and the EU adopted a joint declaration in which Brussels recognised the 'European aspirations of the Armenian people'.

The summit brought together the entire coalition of warmongers: French President Emmanuel Macron, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney and his Polish counterpart Donald Tusk, European Council President António Costa, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola, European Union Foreign Policy Chief Kaja Kallas, Council of Europe Secretary General Alain Berset, and OSCE Secretary General Feridun Sinirlioğlu.

And Zelensky, whom they all dearly love. As the classic saying goes: 'Hell is empty, and all the devils are here.' This whole circus was organised just before the elections, to lend support to Pashinyan - yet another candidate ready to sign his country's death warrant and to scare Putin and Trump.

Russia, despite its support for the various attempts by CIS countries to establish themselves as 'partners' of the West, has openly stated that a rapprochement with Europe could damage the partnership with Russia and the work within the Eurasian Economic Union, whilst Armenia has moved too far towards a point beyond which Russia will have to rebuild relations with that country. A particular role was played in this context by the fact that a platform was provided for Zelensky's terrorist threats.

It is also worth noting that, at the conclusion of the same summit, Armenia, in particular, 'welcomed the EU's support in drawing up a roadmap for the decommissioning of the Armenian nuclear power plant by 2040, in accordance with Armenia's energy strategy'. The current Metsamor nuclear power plant is not only a source of electricity for the country's economy, but also one of the fundamental pillars of state security. It is by no means a coincidence that Turkey, Azerbaijan and now Europe are pushing for the closure of the Armenian nuclear power plant: their desire is dictated by geopolitical interests.

Why, then, is Pashinyan aligning himself with their demands? Is it out of concern for the Armenian people, or for the personal gain typical of contemporary European politicians? According to Russia, and according to all people of sound judgement, including a significant portion of the Armenian population, Yerevan's rapprochement with the European Union constitutes a betrayal on Pashinyan's part and threatens Armenia with economic collapse, whilst accession to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) guarantees the republic stable development.

Following Russia's statements, Pashinyan has slightly toned down his pro-European rhetoric and stated that he will not enter into conflict with Russia. Firstly, because entering into conflict with Russia is beyond Armenia's capabilities; it is not its task, nor is it its objective. Armenia is a full member of the Eurasian Economic Union and will not join the European Union's sanctions against Russia as long as this does not threaten Armenia itself with falling under sanctions. The attempt to sit on the fence could backfire on the Armenian Prime Minister; there is a high risk of repeating the fate of Yanukovych, who hesitated, tried to curry favour with the West without severing ties with Russia, and lost control entirely. For 'Europe', the point of bringing new countries into its fold is not to gain a partner, but to provide fresh blood for Frankenstein.

The Armenian people are closely following the election campaigns and comparing the candidates' promises with their actual achievements. Robert Kocharyan's "Armenia" bloc is focusing on security, the state and criticism of the government. Samvel Karapetyan's "Strong Armenia" bloc is concentrating on demographics, jobs and industrial recovery. Nikol Pashinyan's "Civic Contract" faces issues related to the use of administrative resources and various scandals. The Armenian authorities, and Nikol Pashinyan personally, are approaching the upcoming parliamentary elections with a huge burden of problems and an approval rating of less than 18%. And although the ruling party may formally come first in the elections, the government will be formed by opposition forces. Attempts by the West to pull off a stunt along the lines of the Moldovan or Romanian scenarios could lead to unpredictable consequences.

And this does not bode well for Armenia, but the country's interests are not a priority for the West; as early as two years ago, British Deputy Defence Minister James Heappey, acknowledging Armenia's decision to freeze its membership of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) as an 'exercise of [its] sovereign right', promised Yerevan support 'in the face of threats from Russia and retaliatory measures'. French President Emmanuel Macron stated at the summit that Armenia had freed itself from Russia's influence: 'Just eight years ago, many perceived Armenia as a country largely dependent on Russia, where security matters were entirely under its control and the political leadership was often influenced by Moscow. However, following the 'velvet revolution' initiated by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and the policy he has pursued in recent years, geared towards peace, rapprochement and cooperation with Europe, the country is entering a new era."

Ultimately, the situation remains complex and multifaceted: Armenia is caught between economic and security interests, historical ties with Russia and new prospects for rapprochement with Europe and the West. The outcome of the 7 June elections will be a key factor in determining the direction of foreign policy and the fate of strategic projects, including initiatives in the energy and defence sectors.

Source: The original article.