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The White House's release of the National Security Strategy 2025 turns everything upside down. It contradicts all previous documents, including the 2017 edition [ 1 ] , from the first term of President Donald Trump. The two memoranda share a lengthy introduction, but while the 2017 memoranda aimed to "replace war with trade," the 2025 memoranda first addresses the questions of what the United States wants and what resources it has. This represents a complete reinterpretation of national strategy.
New frame
President Donald Trump writes:
"Above all, we desire the continued existence and security of the United States as an independent and sovereign republic, whose government guarantees the inalienable natural rights of its citizens and prioritizes their welfare and interests. We want to protect this country, its people, its territory, its economy, and its way of life from any military attack and hostile foreign influence, be it espionage, predatory business practices, drug and human trafficking, destructive propaganda and influence operations, cultural subversion, or any other threats to our nation."Regarding the second question, he defines the means as follows:
"We want to ensure that the Western Hemisphere remains sufficiently stable and well-governed to prevent and deter mass migration to the United States; we want a hemisphere whose governments cooperate with us against drug terrorists, cartels, and other transnational criminal organizations; we want a hemisphere that remains free from hostile foreign influence. We are committed to preventing any intrusion or takeover of key positions essential for supporting critical supply chains and ensuring our continued access to important strategic locations. In other words, we will add a 'Trump Amendment' to the Monroe Doctrine."In other words, the United States will concentrate on its sphere of influence, America. It will act there like a big brother, no longer as an empire (the "Roosevelt Corollary"). That is, it will protect it from external threats and, in return, expect the rest of the continents to share in its economic needs.
If that's true, then they won't attack Venezuela, but they might attack drug trafficking organizations in Latin America, including Venezuela.
He continues:
"We want to stop the ongoing damage that foreign actors are inflicting on the US economy, while preserving the freedom and openness of the Indo-Pacific region, maintaining freedom of navigation on all major shipping routes, and ensuring safe and reliable supply chains and access to critical materials.Strategy
"We want to support our allies in preserving the freedom and security of Europe.
"We want to prevent an adversary power from dominating the Middle East, its oil and gas resources, and the strategic crossing points through which they travel, while at the same time avoiding the "endless wars" that have burdened us in this region at exorbitant costs.
"The United States should ideally once again "become the world's leading economy, both the largest and the most innovative, creating wealth that we can invest in strategic interests and giving us bargaining power with countries that want access to our markets."
Only after this lengthy introduction does he address the strategic issues. He warns:
"This strategy is not based on a traditional political ideology. It is primarily motivated by what serves the interests of the United States, or in short, by the principle: America First."Before "America First" was the slogan of US Nazi supporters, it was that of Democratic President Woodrow Wilson at the beginning of World War I and of the conservative (in the Anglo-Saxon sense of the term) Pat Buchanan when he fought against the disciples of Leo Strauss.
He then defuses the issue by rejecting the broad definition of "national security" developed by previous administrations, as well as traditional classifications. He therefore states that he is a priori "non-interventionist," but emphasizes that this position is often untenable and necessary when action is the better course of action. In short, he advocates a "flexible realism."
He writes:
"Our policy will be realistic about what is possible and desirable in its relations with other nations. We seek good relations and peaceful trade relations with the nations of the world without imposing on them democratic or social changes that are fundamentally different from their traditions and history. We recognize and affirm that there is nothing contradictory or hypocritical in acting on such a realistic assessment. Or in maintaining good relations with countries whose systems of government and society differ from our own, while encouraging our like-minded friends to respect our common standards, which enables us to advance our interests."This point marks a complete break with the thinking of previous administrations. It is a return to the traditional thinking of old Europe, which it abandoned, just as the United States had abandoned it. Donald Trump preaches flexibility and adaptability.
He then describes the international relations he promotes, his worldview which is based on "the primacy of nations" and "respect for their sovereignty." He states that he does not claim a hegemonic position in this world, but will ensure that no nation can claim one. He views competition between nations as that of the market or sport: may the best win!
He claims that the "sovereignty of nations" implies the "restoration of borders" and the defense of "human rights" (in the American sense of the term, not the French sense of "human and civil rights"). He further claims that the "sovereignty of nations" cannot be delegated to alliances or intergovernmental organizations. Consequently, NATO membership does not absolve each member state from ensuring its own national defense. Likewise, membership in the World Trade Organization does not absolve each state from defending the opening of new markets and the security of its supply chains.
This is far removed from the strategy of his predecessor Joe Biden, for whom borders and nations were nothing more than obstacles to the triumph of "democracy" [ 2 ] ; a view which automatically led to the continuation of President George Bush's endless war, the Rumsfeld-Cebrowski Doctrine [ 3 ] .
The regions of the world
Donald Trump has decided to define priority areas for action. In doing so, he expresses himself with respect for all his interlocutors, and not, as he did previously, by despising those who hardly count (these "shitty countries").
A - The Americas
Having clarified the "Trump corollary of the Monroe Doctrine," he encapsulates his strategy in the motto "recruit and expand." "Recruit" means relying on as many partners as possible. "Expand" means hoping that as many nations as possible will view the United States as their preferred partner and discourage them (in various ways) from cooperating with other countries.
The obvious goal is to ensure that the presence of foreign partners in America, such as China, does not disrupt US supply chains. Therefore, "it must be emphasized that US goods, services, and technology are a much better long-term investment because they are of higher quality and are not subject to the same conditions as the aid offered by other countries."
B - The Indo-Pacific
The Indo-Pacific region now produces half of humanity's wealth, but trade relations between the US and China are increasingly unbalanced. This is partly because the rules governing trade between the two countries were established when China was still an underdeveloped nation, and partly because the US economy is in decline [This is not what Trump says, but it is what he implies]. He therefore intends to strengthen the Quad (Australia, the United States, Japan, and India) to ensure that China does not achieve a hegemonic position.
He also wants to mobilize the resources of his partners to launch a competing initiative to China's Silk Roads.
Regarding Taiwan, he notes that the island "holds a dominant position in semiconductor production, but more importantly, it provides direct access to the second island chain and divides Northeast and Southeast Asia into two distinct operational spheres." Therefore, the United States will expand its economic dominance on the island while ensuring that Taiwan's Chinese identity is respected and that it will never support a conflict on this issue. Indeed, Donald Trump intervened with Sanae Takaichi, the Japanese Prime Minister, and asked her to refrain from provoking Beijing.
The United States must also ensure that its supply chains in the South China Sea are never disrupted by anyone.
C - The European Union
In 35 years (not since the Maastricht Treaty, but since the completion of the Single Market), EU production has fallen from 25% to 14% of world production. "Yet this economic decline is overshadowed by the very real and grim prospect of civilizational collapse." Its restoration depends on controlling immigration (some states could soon have a non-European majority) and abandoning the "sterile obsession with excessive regulation."
Regarding the war in Ukraine, Donald Trump writes:
"It is essential for the United States to negotiate a rapid ceasefire to stabilize European economies, prevent an unintended escalation or expansion of the conflict, restore strategic stability with Russia, and enable Ukraine to rebuild after hostilities to ensure its survival as a viable state."He regrets that "many Europeans see Russia as an existential threat," which suggests a solution to the war in Ukraine that they will not support.
D - The Middle East
This region no longer holds the same significance:
"Energy sources have diversified considerably - the United States has once again become a net exporter of energy - and superpower competition has given way to great power rivalry, in which the United States retains the most enviable position.Although he laments Iran's rigidity, he is pleased that major governments are fighting against "radicalism." While he doesn't use the term, he is referring to the "jihadism" that the Obama and Biden administrations long supported, much like the British Empire.
"This region will increasingly become a source and destination for international investment."
E - East Africa
The US strategy in Africa
"has focused far too long on teaching and then disseminating liberal ideology. Instead, the United States should concentrate on working with specific countries to de-escalate conflicts, promote mutually beneficial trade relationships, and move from a model of foreign aid to one of investment and growth that can harness Africa's rich natural resources and its hidden economic potential."While the United States should help resolve ongoing conflicts (e.g., between the DRC and Rwanda, and in Sudan) and prevent new conflicts (e.g., between Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia), it should above all
"Transition from an aid-based relationship to a trade and investment relationship with Africa by favoring partnerships with competent and reliable states that are willing to open their markets to U.S. goods and services."Conclusion
Contrary to the caricature made of him by his opponents in the US and abroad, Donald Trump's strategy appears extremely coherent and well-thought-out, even if - to put it simply - it is expressed with unnecessary references to the president's successes.
He stands in complete continuity with his 2017 project: to put an end to the "American empire." He is the first president of the United States in almost two centuries who claims his country has no enemies. In doing so, he opposes the traditional imperialists, as well as the Straussians and the neoconservatives, but even more so the warmongers of the European Union. While developing his army according to the Roman principle Si vis pacem, para bellum (if you want peace, prepare for war), he positions himself so that he never provokes anyone and, on the contrary, advocates helping to resolve conflicts, which in turn contradicts the "divide and rule" strategy of his British ally.
References:
[ 1 ] " The National Security Strategy of Donald Trump ", by Thierry Meyssan, translated by Horst Frohlich, proofread by Werner Leuthäusser, Voltaire Network , 30 December 2017.
[ 2 ] " President Biden's National Security Strategy ", by Thierry Meyssan, translated by Horst Frohlich, proofread by Werner Leuthäusser, Voltaire Network , 6 April 2021.
[ 3 ] " The Rumsfeld/Cebrowski Doctrine ", by Thierry Meyssan, translated by Horst Frohlich, proofread by Werner Leuthäusser, Voltaire Network , 25 May 2021.
Comment: Nobel words. Let's hope Trump owns them.