Kurdish fighter
Afrin is waiting for Damascus to stop the Turkish attack. It seems that the Kurdish project and the Kurdish self-management in Syria are facing their first defeat since 2012, and the gradual withdrawal from the West Euphrates to settle in the areas where the Americans are located and under their umbrella.

Hostage to the next conflict between Russia and America

It is more likely that the turning point that makes all the areas where the Arab presence is intertwined in Kurdish in northern Syria, especially in Manbij, Tel Labid, Ras Al Ain and around it, is subject to a similar fate.

The Kurdish project is locked in Qamishli.

Mohammed Balout

No agreement was reached until last night, to enter four thousand fighters from Syrian forces, popular or regular from the Syrian army to Afrin. It was reported by the Kurdish side, especially the adviser on Kurdish self-administration, Badran Gia Kurd, but Damascus ignored it despite a frequent media focus on reaching an agreement on this issue during negotiations in Aleppo between representatives of the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) from Mount Qandil, a Russian general residing in the city, and a delegation that included representatives of the National Security Office in Damascus, led by General Ali Mamluk, who is directly responsible for the Kurdish file, and the city's security chief, Brigadier Khalil al-Mulla.

Fawza Yousef, the co-chair of the northern Syria executive, denied any agreement to send Syrian troops to Afrin.

"What happened did not go beyond the discussions with the regime in Damascus. On the contrary, we asked for the entry of regular Syrian forces into Afrin, but we did not reach any practical and final agreement," Fawza Youssef told Al-Akhbar.

The Kurdish official said: "We were close to reaching an agreement, but the attitudes have changed, because Russia does not want to reach an agreement, and wants to impose conditions on us."

According to Yusuf, the talks had already dealt with the entry of popular forces to Afrin, which would work among the terms of the proposed agreement to restore Syrian control of the areas taken by Syrian terrorist groups operating under the command of the Turkish army. It seems that the proposed composition of those talks for the forces supposed to enter Afrin includes a striking balance between Iran, Russia and Syria.

The Kurds hold Moscow responsible for the failure of negotiations with Damascus

A Syrian source said that popular forces of 4,000 fighters composed of factions and popular committees in Nubl and Zahraa would participate in the process of entering Afrin. The Popular Committees in both towns played a major role in supporting the YPG with weapons and equipment and formed a defensive depth for Afrin.

This reflects an Iranian decision from the beginning to contain the Turkish progress in Afrin and to prevent it from gaining further gains and consolidation. On the Syrian settlement table, as well as that the Russians are the present umbrella of Turkish intervention in the north of Syria. It is expected that these forces will join the factions of the "Shield of Military Security", and the other of Hussein Marei, and a faction of the Republican Guard.

Damascus and the Russians insisted on the rapid restoration of Syria, the lifting of Syrian flags on official buildings, and the return of institutions of health, education, security and services to Syrian sovereignty.

"These points were differences that were agreed to be postponed," said Fawza Youssef.

More Turkish progress is likely to overcome this obstacle, especially as time and field developments are beginning to play for the attacking forces on all fronts, and Kurdish fighters will not be able to continue fighting for a long time and bear the sacrifices in a battle that may be lost in advance.

From the beginning, the battle of Afrin was the focus of cross-Straits, Russian, Syrian and Iranian scandals to curtail the Kurdish project in Syria, starting from Afrin. The insistence of the Kurds on a battle that was difficult to avoid and the Russian-Iranian-Syrian trio facilitated the transformation of the Turkish offensive into a pressure sheet on the YPG to impose substantial concessions on the Kurds.

The Turks were draining Kurdish forces and making them more flexible. What was clearly apparent in the aerial air raids, which stopped at a Russian request, was the Turkish aerial bombardment of the region that had the largest Kurdish population in Syria, or resumed to adjust the field time to the politician, especially since the Kurdish defense lines began to crack, Afrin, which progresses within the Alexandre Brigade and the south, west and east of the Qurna triangle in the far north-west of Afrin, and southward towards Raju and Jandiris under the rectangle, which would lead to the opening of the road in the valley Stretching from Gonderes to Afrin city, and extending Turkish control over the entire Syrian strip from Grapes to Afrin.