Gates made his proposal in a newly declassified document that is part of a collection put together by the National Security Archives, a private research group, to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Iran-Contra affair. The scandal involved top Reagan administration officials secretly selling arms to Iran in order to finance right-wing "contra" guerillas in Nicaragua in violation of a congressional prohibition. Gates has long been suspected of involvement in these illegal activities, though he was never indicted.

Leading Democrats have already indicated that Gates will be easily confirmed with bipartisan support before the end of the lame-duck congressional session in December.

In a memorandum to then-CIA Director George Casey, Gates urged that the administration use "all necessary measures (short of military invasion) to bring down the regime" in Nicaragua. Among these measures, he advocated "the use of air strikes to destroy a considerable portion of Nicaragua's military buildup."

"Without a comprehensive campaign openly aimed at bringing down the regime, at best we somewhat delay the inevitable," Gates wrote. "Without US funding for the Contras, the resistance essentially will collapse over the next year or two."

In the memo, Gates advocated a view with which he had become associated within the administration and the intelligence apparatus: a hard-line militarist position against the Soviet Union and any regimes considered to be "left" or pro-Soviet. Gates denounced negotiations with Cuban President Fidel Castro in 1958-60, wrote that the conduct of the Vietnam War consisted of "half-measures, half-heartedly applied," and denounced congressional legislation that placed constraints on executive power to conduct foreign policy. In the latter category he included the Boland amendment, which prohibited US backing for the anti-Sandinista contra forces in Nicaragua.

The lesson he drew from this historical experience was the need for direct military action in Nicaragua, which would have to circumvent congressional restrictions. "Any negotiated agreement simply will offer a cover for the consolidation of the regime and two or three years from now we will be in a considerably worse shape than we are now," he wrote. Gates' position mirrored that of others in the Reagan administration who now occupy prominent positions in the Bush administration, including then-ambassador to Honduras John Negroponte. Negroponte is currently the director of national intelligence, a position that was first offered to Gates, but which Gates declined. (See "Democrats back Negroponte nomination as new documents detail role in contra war").

The Reagan administration decided not to follow Gates' suggestion to carry out military strikes and instead elected to illegally pursue CIA financing of the contras, paid for through sales of weapons to Iran. Lawrence Walsh, the independent counsel in the Iran-Contra investigation, decided not to indict Gates for involvement in these activities, however there is little doubt that Gates played a prominent role. Walsh later wrote that he was highly skeptical of Gates' claims that he did not learn of the secret funding until 1986.

Robert Parry, an investigative journalist who helped uncover the Iran-Contra scandal, noted in an interview on Democracy Now! November 9 that, even while serving as a member of the Carter administration's National Security Council, Gates helped arrange contacts between Iran and the Reagan presidential campaign. These contacts continued through the 1980s, and, according to some reports, Gates helped manufacture an intelligence rationale to justify the sale of weapons to Iran.

Primarily because of his role in Iran-Contra, Gates was forced to withdraw his nomination as CIA director in 1987, however this nomination was resubmitted and approved by the Senate in 1991. Thirty-one senators voted against Gates, an unprecedented number for a nominee to head the CIA.

Gates' role in the Iran-Contra scandal is not uncharacteristic. He has a long and sordid history as a leading figure in the CIA. When nominating Gates, Bush said that he "helped lead America's efforts to drive Soviet forces from Afghanistan" in the 1980s. At that time, the CIA was financing Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan, including Osama bin Laden, in the American proxy war against the Soviet Union.

Even as he was helping sell weapons to Iran, Gates played a role in weapons sales to Iraq. Throughout the 1980s, the two countries were at war with each other. An affidavit submitted by Howard Teicher, a former National Security Council member under Reagan, names Gates as one of those involved in approving the sale of chemical weapons precursors and cluster bombs to Saddam Hussein.

Gates has also been accused of "politicizing" intelligence while at the CIA-that is, manufacturing intelligence to justify US policy. In particular, he has been accused of helping to concoct a supposed Soviet plot to assassinate the Pope in 1981 in order to push for a harder line against the Soviet Union.

The confirmation hearings for Gates are scheduled to begin next week, but leading Democrats have already indicated that he will be easily confirmed. Earlier this month, the incoming Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, said he hoped that Gates would be confirmed "as soon as possible." "The one thing he has going for him ... is that we want the change to take place very quickly," Reid said.

Before Gates was nominated as defense secretary, he was part of the Iraq Study Group, which consists of top strategists and former officials from both the Democratic and Republican parties. The group, led by Republican James Baker and Democrat Lee Hamilton, is expected to issue recommendations next month, which are said to include initiating talks with Iran and Syria. The Democratic Party as a whole is lining up behind the Iraq Study Group. The White House, meanwhile, has announced the formation of its own study group.

AIDES IN NATO ENLARGEMENT

On Nov. 28 and 29, Latvia's capital Riga opened to 26 NATO heads of state, including President Bush, and 5,000 guests to discuss Afghanistan and NATO's future role.

Political analysts said that choosing the host of the NATO summit on ex-Soviet soil sent a message to Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and ex-Soviet states moving westward that the door of NATO was always open to them.

Speaking just before the first NATO summit, Bush said in a speech at the University of Latvia that the organization would keep its door open to new members and hoped to issue additional invitations at its next summit in 2008.

In fact, the U.S. had been backing the three Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, in an attempt to help Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia move westward with their common background in language, history and tradition.

The Baltics signed several agreements with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, offered military aid and helped them carry out military reforms. The Baltics have become reliable partners of these nations.

AIDES IN IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN

While President Bush is becoming isolated by the quagmire of Iraq, the Baltics have remained unswerving fans of his policy in the Gulf country. With the Republicans' defeat in the mid-term elections and Iraq's worsening sectarian conflict, the three nations' support means a big deal to Bush's policy in Iraq.

Currently, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have extended the stay of their troops in Iraq regardless of the domestic voice for withdrawal.

In addition to Iraq, the Baltics have delivered full support to NATO's peacekeeping mission in Afghanistan. Latvia stationed troops in the Central Asian state, Lithuania took up the reconstruction in one of its provinces, and Estonia reinforced its peacekeeping force from 5 to 130.

During his visit to Estonia, Bush described the former Soviet country as a brave and reliable partner in spreading peace and democracy. He said that Estonia was playing an active role in the mission in Iraq and Afghanistan.

In Riga, Bush also extended thanks to Latvian President Vaira Vike-Freiberga, for the country's support of the mission in Iraq and Afghanistan.

'There is a clear commitment that in an emergency, they will support each other ... that is the most fundamental demonstration of NATO solidarity,' said Scheffer.

The NATO chief said a number of alliance nations had agreed to diminish their national caveats, making 22,000 of NATO's 32,000 soldiers in Afghanistan 'more usable' for combat and non-combat operations throughout the country.

He underlined that there would be 'no negotiation on what an emergency is,' with the NATO commander in Afghanistan having the final say on the issue.

In some situations, however, national capitals would still have to be consulted on troop redeployments, Scheffer said, adding: 'This can be done quickly.'

Alliance commanders in Afghanistan, however, have criticized this approval procedure, saying they need to have more direct control over troops stationed in the country.

The NATO chief said leaders had also agreed to send more troops and equipment to the alliance mission in Afghanistan.

In addition, a so-called 'contact group' including NATO, the European Union, the World Bank and other international agencies will be set up to ensure better coordination of military, political and economic efforts in Afghanistan, he said.

Countries had agreed to earmark more resources to Afghanistan's economic and social development and civilian reconstruction, Scheffer added.

Leaders agreed to loosen some of the caveats after Britain, Canada and the US, whose soldiers have borne the brunt of recent fighting with the Taliban, insisted other nations must also send soldiers to southern Afghanistan.

Despite Scheffer's comments, however, details of the new NATO stance on caveats remained sketchy.

A senior German official said Berlin would not change its troop mandate which currently restricts Germany's 2,700 soldiers to more peaceful northern Afghanistan. France, Italy and Spain also have imposed national limits on troop movements.

Asked if the summit had led to any changes on how German soldiers would operate in Afghanistan, the official said: 'Things will stay the same.'

Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi also said his country's troops would remain stationed in western Afghanistan except in extreme circumstances.

A NATO official indicated that situations demanding extra troops could include a sustained attack on one of NATO's Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) which are rebuilding Afghan civilian infrastructure.

US President George W Bush and Scheffer earlier warned NATO leaders attending the Riga summit that the Afghan mission was being hobbled by national caveats.

'For NATO to succeed, commanders on the ground must have the resources and flexibility needed to do their jobs,' said Bush.

In a veiled criticism of Germany and other European allies, the US leader said the alliance was founded on a clear principle that an attack on one member was an attack on all.

'This principle holds true whether the attack is on home soil or on our forces deployed on a mission abroad,' said Bush.

British, Canadian, US, Dutch, Danish as well as non-NATO Australian troops are engaged in southern Afghan combat operations. Canadian and British forces have suffered especially high numbers of casualties.

The summit declared the 25,000-strong NATO Response Force (NRF) operational for global counter-terror, security, humanitarian and peacekeeping missions.

NRF forces are supposed to be deployable within five days for operations lasting up to 30 days anywhere in the world. The move is part of NATO's modernization drive and transformation from a Cold War territorial defence alliance to what NATO chief Scheffer calls a global 'expeditionary' force.

Leaders also agreed new strategic priorities for the next decade spotlighting terrorism and weapons of mass destruction as key threats to the alliance.

A seven-page 'strategic concept' approved at a NATO summit in the Latvian capital warned the most dangerous scenario would be terrorists armed with weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur

"The alliance's transformation must not modify its military nature but, on the contrary, reinforce the link between North Americans and Europeans that has guaranteed our collective security for more than 50 years," he said.

The United States is leading nations which want to transform NATO from a Cold War-era military machine set up to counter the Soviets, into a highly mobile organisation capable of dealing with crises wherever they may arise, even outside of Europe.

Chirac also rejected a US proposal to establish a "global partnership" with countries like Australia, New Zealand, Japan and South Korea which have been working closely with NATO in its operations in Afghanistan.

He told the leaders, during the working session on Wednesday, that it was "better to associate, case by case, with states that are ready to commit themselves on the ground with us," like in Afghanistan.

"But it is the United Nations which must remain the only political body with a universal vocation," Chirac said, and rejected any "useless duplication" of tasks better suited to other world bodies.