Among the groups outlawed by the decree signed by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov earlier this week are Chechen-linked Shura of the United Forces of the Mujahadeen of the Caucasus, the Congress of the Peoples of Ichkeria and Daghestan, international networks such as al-Qaeda, "The holy war" ("Al-Jihad" or the "Egyptian Islamic Jihad"), "The Islamic group" ("Al-Jamaa al-Islami"), "The Muslim Brotherhood" ("Al-Ikhvan al-Muslimun"), the Taliban, "The Islamic Jihad" and several others.

Alexander Novokshenov, a senior prosecutor official at the General Prosecutor's Office, has explained to the RIA-Novosti news agency that the majority of these names have been known since 2003, only two have been added recently.

Remarkably, the Russian government's official list of the 17 international terrorist organizations signed by Fradkov this week does not include Hezbollah and Hamas, blacklisted by the United States and other western nations.

Chemezov, who made the remarks on the sidelines of the meeting between President Vladimir Putin and visiting Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, did not elaborate on what types of planes Russia will provide to Venezuela.

Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov said last week that Russia had struck a deal of 1 billion U.S. dollars with Venezuela to sell 30 Sukhoi-30 fighters and as many helicopters to the country.

The United States has expressed concern over Russia's plan to sell fighter jets to the South American nation, but Russia defended its military cooperation with Venezuela on Wednesday, saying the cooperation is "in full accordance with international and Russian legal norms."

Chavez, who is in town for a three-day visit, thanked Russia for the arms deal after talks with Putin in the Kremlin.

"Russia has stretched out its hand to us in the face of international pressure, even an embargo on us in this field," Chavez said.

The U.S. government has forbidden U.S. manufacturers to sell arms to Venezuela, accusing the country of not being "a reliable partner in the war on terror."

Chávez wants to become a world power broker as a member of the Security Council that will deal with highly sensitive issues such as Iran and North Korea. The seat would also make him the voice of Latin America at the UN.

Mercosur comprises Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and, as of last week, Venezuela - with Chile, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia as associate members. The formal declaration of support means that most of South America is now behind Chávez's bid.

Until the summit, there was a chance that Chile, whose moderate left-wing government follows a very different path than the one chosen by Chávez, would promote a third candidacy, perhaps with the support of Peru's new president, Alan Garcia.

But President Michelle Bachelet of Chile is strenuously attempting to bring her country into the South American political fold after many years of what was perceived as Chile's aloofness and even arrogance due to its economic success.

It is hard to see how she would stand up to the Mercosur trading bloc, especially after the announcement was made in her presence and she did not express any reservations.

Adding insult to the injury, Mercosur invited Fidel Castro to the summit and signed a "trade" deal with him that was more political than commercial, while the host nation, Argentina, provided him with a platform for a three-hour speech at the University of Cordoba in which he defended everything that Mercosur is supposedly against: one- party rule, jailing political opponents, ideological confrontation with the United States and a socialist economy.

So, have the Mercosur countries all gone bananas? Yes. Forget the fact that Chávez is offering to supply natural gas to the Southern Cone countries through a 5,000-mile pipeline. What's really driving these countries are an inferiority complex, ideological adultery and an economic misconception.

The inferiority complex is a case of reverse nordomania. The term - a mania for all things northern - was coined by Uruguayan writer José Enrique Rodó a century ago to signify what he thought was a Latin American tendency to copy U.S. materialism.

Today, the moderate left-wing governments of Latin America have shaken off many of their old left vices, but still cling to the superstition that dignity means backing anything that happens to displease the United States even at the cost of Latin America's development.

Ideological adultery comes from the fact that moderate left-wing governments are married to democracy and private enterprise at home - the boring spouse - but unleash their carnal instincts on Chávez - the voluptuous lover - in matters of foreign policy.

They would not dream of destroying their own democratic systems, sending mobs to beat up opponents, expropriating agricultural and industrial businesses, protecting Colombian terrorists and making crude comments about the U.S. secretary of state.

But they love to make up for their moderate behavior at home by throwing at their barking constituents the crumbs of (occasional) foreign policy radicalism. Start by drinking holy water and you will end up believing, said French philosopher Blaise Pascal. Mercosur countries would do well to heed these words.

And, finally, the economic misconception resides in the belief that economic power comes from regional protectionism. Since its creation in 1991, Mercosur has failed to generate wealth because it reproduced at the regional level the national barriers to the free flow of goods, services, ideas and people.

The result has been constant dispute - from the one between Brazil and Argentina over car exports to the current brawl between Argentina and neighboring Uruguay over the latter country's green light to the construction of two pulp mills near the border.

Chile, the best economy in the region, has not joined Mercosur because the rules forbid member countries from pursuing open trade with nations outside the bloc. The protectionism of Mercosur will be reinforced by Venezuela's incorporation.

These - and not Chavez's pipeline - are the main reasons why Mercosur is backing his bid for a seat at the UN Security Council.

His e-mail address is AVLlosa(at symbol)independent.org.

Álvaro Vargas Llosa, author of "Liberty for Latin America," is the director of the Center on Global Prosperity at the Independent Institute.

Georgian forces launched raids in the Kodori Gorge on July 26, chasing local militia leader Emzar Kvitsiani from the area. Part of the gorge lies within Abkhazia.

Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili on July 27 announced that a government-in-exile for the separatist region Abkhazia will be based in the Kodori Gorge.

The ex-Soviet republic has been locked in turmoil since Viktor Yanukovych's pro-Russian Party of Regions won the most seats in a March parliamentary election, besting the pro-Western reformers who backed Yushchenko, but falling short of a majority.

Yushchenko's allies teamed up with Tymoshenko's bloc and the Socialist Party to create a majority coalition in June, but the Socialists defected before it had time to form a new government. The Socialists united with the Party of Regions and the Communists in a new coalition that proposed Yanukovych as prime minister.

Fraud allegations during Yanukovych's run for the presidency against Yushchenko in 2004 triggered the massive protests known as the Orange Revolution; the Supreme Court declared the vote invalid, and Yushchenko defeated Yanukovych in a rerun.

Yushchenko so far has not forwarded Yanukovych's nomination as premier to the parliament. But because the parliament convened more than 60 days ago without forming a government, Yushchenko technically has the right to dissolve the legislature and call new elections.

Faced with the equally unattractive prospects of calling new elections or allowing his foe to become prime minister, Yushchenko has been casting desperately for a solution as the Aug. 2 deadline to decide on Yanukovych's candidacy approaches.

"The moment of truth has come, we need to make a decision," Yushchenko said at the start of the round-table, which was televised live.

Yushchenko proposed that all the parties sign a memorandum of national unity which would safeguard freedom of speech, Ukraine's territorial integrity, liberal economic reforms, European integration efforts and support for a single national language, Ukrainian.

But when the leaders began discussing the memorandum, discussion over whether Ukraine should join NATO sparked heated debate. The Socialists and Communists oppose NATO membership, while Yushchenko countered that cooperation with the alliance was the only way to provide security to Ukraine.

After Yushchenko and Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko exchanged barbs over NATO and the issue of creating a single Ukrainian Orthodox Church, Tymoshenko said the sharp disagreements were an example of why a broad coalition would not work.

"Why should we have two centers of power that rule the country with different courses ... it is only a matter of time before they clash," she said.

But Yanukovych, who is seeking Yushchenko's support, appeared eager to find a compromise. He said that "cooperation with NATO is natural."

However, after six hours of talks, the party-leaders failed to reach an agreement on the text of the memorandum. Yushchenko ordered a working group to hash out differences and prepare a final document by Friday morning.

The tension in the room was obvious, even without the main issue - Yanukovych's premiership - being addressed. When Yanukovych went into a long-winded speech, Yushchenko pointedly interrupted to tell him he had been speaking too long.

Yushchenko ally Roman Bezsmertny said that the president's bloc was willing to work with the Party of Regions, but only if a new coalition of national unity was formed. "Today all of us must think first of all about unity," he said.

Ukraine remains deeply divided between the Russian-speaking east, which supports Yanukovych, and the Ukrainian-speaking west, which considers a Yanukovych premiership a betrayal of the Orange Revolution.

Tymoshenko pressed the president to reject any union with Yanukovych, urging him to dissolve parliament and call new elections. Yushchenko has appeared reluctant to take such a drastic step.

The Party of Regions suggested earlier Thursday that it was ready for some compromises, but would refuse to discuss dropping Yanukovych.

"It looks like an organised assassination," Mohamed Abdi Hayr, the Somali information minister said.

"So far we do not know who did it. They shot him as he was leaving the mosque then ran off. Police are chasing the gunmen."

The government was formed in 2004 as the 14th attempt to restore central rule to Somalia since the 1991 overthrow of military ruler Mohammed Siad Barre.

It has been unable to halt the rise to power of the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia - an Islamist militia that took control of the capital Mogadishu and other towns in June.

Deerow was not among the 18 ministers who resigned from the administration on Thursday, complaining about the government's inability to stabilise the African nation.

Also on Friday, fighters loyal to the Islamist group closed roads around the capital's airport and chased away onlookers while a large cargo plane was unloaded of unidentified cargo.

A similar aircraft landed on Wednesday, and officials from the transitional government accused Eritrea of sending arms to the militants.

Local people said several trucks came to collect the delivery from the airport.

"The Islamists are arming themselves and now we have to wait for fighting," said Abdullahi Ali, a local man.

"I suspect that the only role you could conceive for the ADF in this situation, and it's possible there could be some role, would be a niche role of some kind or other, or else some kind of leadership role," Mr Downer said.

"But sending battalions of infantry, that's not going to happen."

Mr Downer made his comments as a demonstration raged outside the venue of the Kuala Lumpur ASEAN Regional Forum meeting.

Riot police held back as demonstrators burned flags near the conference centre in protest at the hands-off approach by the US to Israel's bombing in south Lebanon.

This week, a high-level Middle East conference in Rome ended in disagreement, with most European leaders urging an immediate ceasefire, but the US was willing to give Israel more time to punish the guerilla group.

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has reportedly interpreted this as a green light to continue Israel's offensive.

Dr Rice has made clear the ultimate deal to end the crisis will be between Israel and Lebanon, and not the Hizbollah militants who the US says have formed "state within a state".

Mr Downer said there was a strong case for an international intervention force in southern Lebanon and discussions were underway on what shape it would take.

"But that international intervention force will have to go in in an environment where there is a ceasefire, and to provide security in the southern part of Lebanon, and to facilitate the Lebanese army taking back control of that part of the country," he said.

"There will be a ceasefire very quickly when Hizbollah make it clear they are going to withdraw from southern Lebanon," Mr Downer said.

Mr Downer and Dr Rice also discussed the nuclear standoff with North Korea and the recent test-firing of seven missiles by the reclusive Stalinist nation, including several that possibly could reach Australia.

He said new talks involving Indonesia, Malaysia, Canada, Australia and New Zealand along with so-called Six-Party negotiation participants like the US, South Korea, Japan and the China would help broaden the focus of crisis diplomacy with Pyongyang.

"It makes for a more significant regional input," Mr Downer said.

"Their isolation is substantial, if not complete, and they have to understand that minister after minister in the ASEAN Regional Forum has called for them to resume negotiations in the six-party talks and to introduce a moratorium on missile testing."

Mr Downer said even China was exasperated with North Korea's intransigence, saying that Pyongyang was facing a "cold and lonely" international shutout.