According to Palestinian reports, an IAF aircraft fired a missile towards a car driving through the city, but it missed the vehicle and struck a building.

The victims were Fatma Ahmad, 35, and her brother Zakariya Ahmad, 46. Fatma was declared dead on the scene, and Ahmad died shortly afterwards in hospital from the fatal wounds he suffering in the strike. The wounded, members of a family who had sat down to dinner in their home when the missile struck, were identified as Abed al-Kader Ahmad, his wife, mother and three children - two of them less than five years old.

Security officials said the air strike targeted a Popular Resistance Committee terror cell. Palestinian sources, however, said it appeared the missile was aiming at a Magnum van in which Muhammed Sinuar, a commander of the Hamas military wing in south Gaza, was driving.

Hamas has not confirmed the report. Following the strike, all the Palestinian factions threatened to escalate attacks against Israel.

More innocent victims

On Tuesday three Palestinian children - 6-year-old Muhammad Roka, his 5-year-old sister Nida and 16-year-old Bilal al-Hizi, were killed Tuesday evening as the Israel Air Force attempted to assassinate a group belonging to the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades in the Jabalya refugee camp in the northern Gaza Strip, the al-Shifa Hospital Director Dr. Jumaa al-Saka told Ynet.

The Israel Defense Forces expressed its regret "if civilians not involved in terror activities were hurt in the operation," adding that "responsibility lays on the terror organizations and on the Hamas government."

Another 15 people were wounded in the strike, including two group activists who were in the car and sustained serious wounds.

During the week of Israeli restraint, the army killed a Palestinian family who went on a picnic on the Beit Lahya beach in the Gaza Strip; after that, the army killed nine people in order to liquidate a Katyusha rocket. But in the discourse of restraint, the first killing does not count, because the army denied its involvement, and the second was deemed a necessary act of self-defense. After all, Israel is caught in the midst of Qassam attacks, and must defend its citizens. In this narrative, the fact that Israel is content merely to bombard the Gaza Strip from air, sea and land is a model of restraint and humanity that not many states could match.

But what is driving the Qassam attacks on Israel? For 17 months, since it declared a cease fire, Hamas has not been involved in firing Qassams. The other organizations have generally succeeded in launching only a few isolated Qassams. How did this evolve into an attack of something like 70 Qassams in three days?

The Israeli army has a long tradition of "inviting" salvoes of Qassams. In April of last year, Sharon took off to a meeting with Bush in which his central message was that Abbas is not to be trusted, has no control of the ground, and cannot be a partner for negotiations. The army took care to provide an appropriate backdrop for the meeting. On the eve of Sharon's departure, on 9 April 2005, the Israeli army killed three youths on the Rafah border, who according to Palestinian sources were playing soccer there. This arbitrary killing inflamed a wave of anger in the Gaza Strip, which had been relatively quiet until then. Hamas responded to the anger on the street, and permitted its people to participate in the firing of Qassams. On the following two days, about 80 Qassams were fired, until Hamas restored calm. Thus, during the Sharon-Bush meeting, the world received a perfect illustration of the untrustworthiness of Abbas.2

At the beginning of last week (11 June), Olmert set out on a campaign of persuasion in Europe to convince European leaders that now, with Hamas in power, Israel definitely has no partner. The USA does not appear to need any convincing at the moment, but in Europe there is more reservation about unilateral measures. The Israeli army began to prepare the backdrop on the night of the previous Thursday (8 June 2006), when it "liquidated" Jamal Abu Samhanada, who had recently been appointed head of the security forces of the Interior Ministry by the Hamas government. It was entirely predictable that the action may lead to Qassam attacks on Sderot. Nevertheless, the army proceeded the following day to shell the Gaza coast (killing the Ghalya family and wounding tens of people), and succeeded in igniting the required conflagration, until Hamas again ordered its people, on 14 June, to cease firing.

This time, the show orchestrated by the army got a bit messed up. Pictures of the child Huda Ghalya succeeded in breaching the wall of Western indifference to Palestinian suffering. Even if Israel still has enough power to force Kofi Annan to apologize for casting doubt on Israel's denial, the message that Hamas is the aggressive side in the conflict did not go unchallenged in the world this time. But the army has not given up. It appears determined to continue to provoke attacks that would justify bringing down the Hamas government by force, with Sderot paying the price.

Even though it is impossible to compare the sufferings of the residents of Sderot with the sufferings of the residents of Beit Hanoun and Beit Lahiya in the North of the Gaza Strip, on which 5,000 shells fell in the past month alone3, my heart also goes out to the residents of Sderot. It is their destiny to live in fear and agony, because in the eyes of the army their suffering is necessary so that the world may understand that Israel is the restrained side in a war for its very existence.

=====

* This op-ed went to press an hour before the Israeli air force killed three more children in a crowded street in North Gaza, on Tuesday, June 20.

1. On Monday, June 12, the headlines announced that the Defence Minister Peretz blocked an initiative of the army to launch a massive land offensive in Gaza (e.g. Amos Har'el and Avi Issacharoff, Ha'aretz, June 12, 2006). In the inside pages of the weekend papers, it turned out that this was a "media spin" produced by Peretz bureau "based on a security consultation held the previous night" (Avi Issacharoff and Amos Harel, Lost innocents, Ha'aretz, June 16-17, 2006).

2. This sequence of events is documented in detail in my book The Road Map to Nowhere, to appear in July, 2006 (Verso).

3. Alex Fishman, Senior security analyst of Yediot Aharonot reports that at the beginning "the artillery shelling of the Gaza strip was debated", but then, "what started ten months ago with dozens of shells a month that were fired at open areas today reached astronomical numbers of shells. The battery that fired the six shells on Friday [June 9] fire an average of more than a thousand shells a week towards the north of the Strip. This means that the battery which has been placed there for four weeks has already fired about 5000 (!) shells".

Meet Rav and Shmuel Street in the ultra-Orthodox town of Kiryat Sefer in central Israel: A corner street, a great view, and lots of children with side curls playing around. But there is something else this street has: It is the only street in Israel where Jews of Middle Eastern descent are not allowed to move to.

The Brachfeld neighborhood's reception committee decided to ban additional Sephardic families from entering streets and buildings in which 35 percent of the tenants are Sephardic.

In order to live in the Barchfeld neighborhood, yeshiva student's prestigious neighborhood, one must be inspected by the neighborhood's reception committee. In addition, the children of people who sell or buy an apartment without the committee's approval will not be able to register to the local school.

The candidates who arrive at the committee are required to meet demands of modesty, personality, religious background, and more. Television is obviously prohibited and internet is considered serious obstacle in the eyes of the committee. In addition, the apartment can only be sold with an approval of the reception committee.

The reception committee is aimed at "maintaining a high spiritual level at the community" and preventing unwanted ultra-Orthodox elements from infiltrating the place.

The reception committee recently decided that there are too many residents of Middle Eastern descent in some of Brachfeld's streets and buildings. Therefore, Sephardic Jews wishing to live in the town cannot live on Rav and Shmuel Street and are directed to other streets.

'It's not that we are racist'

In the other streets, however, they also encounter difficulties, as there are buildings there in which 35 percent of the tenants are already Sephardic and are thus closed to additional Sephardim.

"The rate of people becoming newly religious is higher among the Sephardim, and the spiritual risk in letting such families enter the neighborhood is higher," a top go-getter at Kiryat Sefer said.

"It's not that we are racist, but we worry for our children's future. This scattering is also in favor of the Spehardim," he added.

It should be mentioned that newly religious Jews of East European or Western origin are considered problematic by the ultra-Orthodox community as they sometimes bring with them behaviors from their secular past, such as watching television.

"I am trying to sell my apartment, and if a Sephardic client comes along, I'll have a problem because I'll be surpassing the percentage in my building," one of Brachfeld's residents said.

"It's an economic issue. People don't want Sephardim to live in the neighborhood, because then Ashkenazim will not buy apartments and the value of the apartments will decrease," the resident added.

The Kiryat Sefer Council said in response: "The council does not populate and market apartments but only provides its residents with services. The marketing and populating activities are performed by private elements. The council has nothing to do, and never had anything to do, with the different populating committees."

Nabil Abu Rudeina, spokesman for the Palestinian presidency,told reporters that Thursday's meeting between Abbas and Olmert "is a protocol meeting".

The two leaders were not supposed to have any official talks at the breakfast, officials concerned said, adding that a formal meeting between them was expected to be held in the coming two weeks.

A much-delayed formal meeting "supposedly will be in the coming two weeks, but the place has not been decided yet," Abu Rudeina said.

King Abdullah hosted the breakfast on Thursday at a five-star hotel in Petra, on the sidelines of a forum attended by 25 Nobel laureates and some 30 international figures.

A conference gathering Nobel Prize winners opened in Jordan's southern ancient city of Petra on Wednesday with pressing world and regional issues to discussed.

Chairman of the Jewish Agency and the World Zionist Organization, my friend
Ze'ev Bielsky,
President of the 35th Congress, MK Yoel Hasson,
Ms. Marilyn Post,
Ms. Jane Schechter,
The Honorable Rabbi Vernon Kurtz,
Members of the Board of Directors of the Jewish Agency,
Congress Presidency,
Congress Delegates,
Distinguished Guests,

On behalf of the State and Government of Israel, I warmly welcome this gathering of the 35th Zionist Congress, here in Jerusalem, which is Zion, the beating heart, and the object of yearning and prayers of the Jewish people for generations.

Not long ago, we marked a century since the death of the founder of the Zionist movement and visionary of the State, Binyamin Ze'ev Herzl.

There is a straight line between Basel and Jerusalem, the line of political Zionism, whose aim was the return of the Jewish people to the stage of history as an independent and sovereign nation, which takes its fate into its own hands, in the Land of Israel, the heritage of our forefathers.

The responsibility for the destiny of the Zionist enterprise and the future of the Jewish people is now in our hands, and based on this, we will mold our decisions and moves here in Israel and in the world Zionist movement.

In Altneuland, Herzl envisioned a utopian state. The State of Israel is not one, because in our world there is no utopian reality.

In many ways, the State of Israel has exceeded Herzl's vision, in other ways it is still remote.

Herzl believed that the Land of Israel could be given to the Jewish people by international charter, on a silver platter (literally). He hoped that the Arabs in the Land of Israel would favorably accept the return to Zion, which would bring with it progress and development.

The Zionist movement was, at first, completely free of any thoughts of struggle and military strength. At Basel, Herzl declared: "On the day when there is a plow in the hands of a courageous Jewish farmer, the Jewish question will find its solution."

Herzl did indeed create the movement which realized the great vision, but the path to realization was not strewn with roses. It was paved with blood, sweat and tears. It demanded sacrifice, dedication and supreme heroism. The entire time, it needed an "iron wall" in the form of our wonderful defensive shield, the Israel Defense Forces.

No, "the Jewish question" has still not been resolved, and now, more than 100 hundred years after Herzl, we are still dealing with it, in Israel and in the Diaspora.

It would be good if every Jew in the world would make Aliyah to Israel, and it would be good if all the peoples of the region would accept Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state in the Land of Israel, and live in full peace with us.

If this were the situation, it would, perhaps, be possible to say that the "Jewish question" had been resolved.

Since such is not the situation - a large portion of the Jewish people still live in the Diaspora, and the State of Israel is still threatened and mired in a struggle to achieve security and peace - we must gather to discuss the "Jewish question" here at the 35th Zionist Congress as well.

The fundamental issues on the table at the Congress are, as always:

A. First, ensuring the future of Jewish existence overseas, through Zionist activity, encouraging Aliyah, providing Jewish and Zionist education to the young generation, and deepening the identity, solidarity with and affinity to Israel.

B. Second, assistance to Jews in distress and waging war against anti-Semitism anywhere in the world.

And finally, unification of the Jewish people with the State of Israel, and providing moral and political support to Israel's struggle for security and peace.

For these goals, the Zionist movement must renew and strengthen, cooperate and gather together under its wing more and more Jewish communities, frameworks, institutions and organizations, and find additional means of mobilizing resources to expand its activities.

One subject was always with us, and in my opinion, will always be at the heart of the Zionist idea and experience as long as there is a Jewish Diaspora in the world. I speak of Aliyah. This phrase - "Aliyah [literally ascension] to Israel" - has long since eroded and become rusty. It is not said at the level it once was, but rather in a weak voice, as if one were speaking of a good-for-nothing, old fashioned, politically incorrect demand.

Aliyah, which is the essence of Zionism and the pinnacle of Zionist accomplishment, has been shoved from the center, and abandoned, ashamed, on the side of the road. We must return it to its rightful place, return its glory and place it as our primary goal.

The 35th Congress must raise the banner of Aliyah anew as a challenge to the young generation in the Diaspora.

Today, the State of Israel marches at the forefront of advanced global science and technology, the Israeli economy is prosperous and promising, and the opportunities the State of Israel is offering its immigrants, especially Olim with higher education, are vast.

Only in the State of Israel is Jewish continuity ensured from generation to generation. Only here, in Jerusalem and the Land of Israel, can the Jew return to the sovereign history of his people in order to create new and glorious chapters.

I call on all delegates to the 35th Congress to join together around our common goals, rise above partisan and organizational disagreements, and lead the entire Zionist movement forward.

The challenges we face today in the State of Israel and the Diaspora are immense, and demand the full mobilization of all our forces.

Ladies and Gentlemen, delegates of the Congress,

Today, the State of Israel is already closer to being the place in which the majority of Jews in the world live. I would like this fact to be determined solely by an increasing stream of Aliyah, but unfortunately, this is not to be at this time. Demographics point to processes of shrinking Jewish communities in the Diaspora due to low birth rates, assimilation, mixed marriages or unintentional alienation from their Jewish identity.

This fact intensifies the responsibility for the future of the Jewish people on the State of Israel and the world Zionist movement. The first lesson is that the State of Israel must forever contain a solid and guaranteed Jewish majority.

It is our duty to prevent any danger of losing this Jewish majority or creating an inseparable bi-national reality in the Land of Israel. We aspire to reach a peace agreement with our Palestinian neighbors, based on division of the land and "two countries for two peoples".

Division of the land is not our heart's desire, it is simply a reality. I was raised and educated in total Zionism, and the entire Land of Israel is precious to me. I wholeheartedly believe in the right of the Jewish people to the entire Land of Israel. However, as one who carries the supreme responsibility in the State of Israel, I see reality as it is, with my eyes wide open.

The demographic balance between Jews and Arabs in the Land of Israel is not static. Time is not neutral in this case - it is acting against us.

If we wish to ensure the existence and future of a Jewish and democratic Israel, we must act now, in the next few years, and shape the permanent borders of the State of Israel. I intend to seriously and thoroughly examine whether there is a possibility of doing so through negotiation and agreement with the Palestinians, since this possibility is preferable under all circumstances.

However, I do not intend to wait forever. If this possibility proves to be impractical within a certain space of time, we will have to make decisions which will serve Zionist goals, and the most vital interests of the State of Israel. This is my duty. This is my responsibility.

Under no circumstances is ongoing deadlock an option. On the basis of serious talks with President George Bush and important leaders in Europe and the Middle East, I believe that if our willingness to negotiate and make far-reaching concessions is met by Palestinian dissension such as that of Hamas - the steps Israel will take will receive international backing.

I have absolutely no doubt that the majority of citizens of Israel will give me their support.

In the meantime, we will of course continue our fight against terror. Terrorist organizations gain inspiration from fundamentalist, anti-Semitic and murderous ideologies, which call for the blood of all Jews and Israelis. The heads of terror, who cry for our destruction after every unfortunate accidental and unintended injury to innocents due to IDF fire, are the ones who will send murderers to blow up buses full of passengers, families innocently dining, teenagers at entertainment venues, and women and children at busy shopping centers.

They are the ones shooting, in these very days, at civilian population in the south of the country, in cities like Sderot and in villages and Kibbutzim in the southern part of the State of Israel. I want to take this opportunity, here and now, to tell the residents of the south, to the people of Sderot, to Kibbutzim such as Yad-Mordechai and Nahal Oz and Kfar Aza and other communities: no one is more familiar with the level of the pain, anxiety and uncertainty which you are experiencing these days. Here, in this city, in the capital of Israel, the very heart of the State of Israel, we have, for many years, undergone the most difficult, painful, heart-wrenching experiences, with countless victims and families shattered. We are familiar with this reality. I am familiar with your painful reality, in Sderot and in the south of the country. I know how difficult it is. I know it is scary. I know the feeling of every parent whose child goes to school and he does not know where the next rocket will land or where the bomb - dispatched by these murderers to the heart of the State of Israel for the purpose of harming innocent civilians - will fall. And you also know well that despite the hardship and the pain, we cannot find a comprehensive, overall and permanent solution to instantly remove this threat, once and for all. We have been living - and you have been living - with this hardship for quite a long time, and I am filled with admiration and appreciation to you for your stamina, patience and courage. I fully understand the fears, insecurity, pain and uncertainty that many of you feel.

From here I say to those who are trying to hurt you - we will take harsh measures, more harsh and more painful than the ones taken before. We will reach every place, we will reach every one, there will be no immunity to anyone involved in terrorism, regardless of what they do or who they belong to. We will not relent in this war and we will defeat terrorism and bring security to all the parts of the State of Israel, in the south of the country and in other areas.

Despite the fact that the terrorists act in and fire from densely populated areas, the IDF is mostly successful in isolating the murderers, and targeting them and them only.

Under these fighting conditions, unfortunately, sometimes innocent citizens are injured, despite all the efforts to avoid it. However, we must remember that the fight against terror was forced on us.

The Palestinian Authority never upheld their commitment to stop terror attacks and dismantle terrorist organizations. When it happens, there will, of course, be no need to continue fighting. Regrettably, I do not see this happening in the near future.

The terrorist organizations would not be able to continue to act if they did not receive encouragement, funding, training and guidance from regimes and organizations which support terror on the axis of evil which runs through Tehran, Damascus, Al Qaeda, global Jihad and Hizbollah.

The shameful statements made by the President of Iran were heard by the entire world, and it is inconceivable that such a fanatical dictatorial regime will have the weapons to realize his insane visions.

We must not forget the lessons of history. We, the Jews, certainly cannot forget.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In closing, I again welcome all the participants in the 35th Zionist Congress - the elected delegates from Israel, other delegates, representatives of the Zionist women's movements Hadassah and Wizo, Ne'amat and Emunah, the delegates representing various organizations: the World Federation of Sephardic Communities, world B'nai B'rith, World Maccabi Federation, the World Assembly of Synagogues and Orthodox Communities, the World Conservative Union of Synagogues, the World Union for Progressive Judaism, the Reform Movement, representatives of student organizations, the Zionist Council of Israel, and at the end of the list, although I already mentioned it, World Emunah.

May all your discussions at this Congress and decisions made strengthen the World Zionist Federation, advance the goals of the World Zionist movement, and transform the 35th Congress into a milestone and starting point towards a new Zionist drive.

Welcome and good luck!