His disappearance from his exile home in Nigeria on Monday had drawn worldwide condemnation and sent panic waves in the region.

He fled after his position became insecure a week ago, when Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo agreed to surrender him to the government of his homeland.

Nigerian customs officials apprehended Taylor as he attempted to leave the country in a Range Rover jeep carrying diplomatic plates and a large sum of US dollars.

He was then flown to Sierra Leone via Liberia and on Thursday was languishing in the custody of a UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone where he to face trial.

"The indictment of Charles Taylor has today been safely secured and he is now in detention facility of the international tribunal in Freetown," said chief prosecutor of the warcrimes tribunal Desmond Da Silva.

"The indictment will be served on Taylor's legal representative but the trial is many months away," Da Silva told a news conference at the UN complex in the Sierra Leonean capital, Freetown.

"Taylor will make his initial appearance before a judge in a short time, perhaps by the end of this week," he said, shortly after Taylor's arrival and arrest in Freetown.

The United States is pressing for Taylor's trial to be switched to The Hague as a better venue considering the importance of the case.

"There is a process to get Charles Taylor to the court in the Netherlands," President George W. Bush said in comments following a speech in Washington.

Bush said that he had discussed switching the trial with Nigeria's President Olusegun Obasanjo during talks at the White House on Wednesday. He praised Nigeria for its action in detaining Taylor on the Nigerian-Cameroon border, which saved Obasanjo from an embarrassing day.

Bush said moving the trial to The Hague would require a UN Security Council resolution, but added that Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice believed it could be passed "relatively quickly".

"And so therefore I think he is headed where he belongs, which is trial," declared the president.

State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said international discussions had been started about prosecuting Taylor. "Part of that discussion is, because of the substantial nature of this case, physically, what is the best place to do it?"

Taylor, is considered the single most powerful figure behind a series of civil wars in both Liberia and Sierra Leone between 1989 and 2003, which between them left around 400,000 people dead.

The Libyan-trained former guerrilla chieftain is alleged to have sponsored the brutal rebels of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), in a war against President Ahmed Tejan Kabbah in return for so-called 'blood-diamonds'.

The RUF rebels slaughtered, maimed, raped and enslaved tens of thousands of civilians in Sierra Leone during a 1991-2001 civil war rated as one of the most brutal in modern history.

"His presence in the custody of the court sets out a clear message that no matter how rich, powerful or feared people may be, the law is above them," said Da Silva.

British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said the crimes of which Taylor is accused "are some of the gravest imaginable".

The Special Court had drawn up a 17-count charge sheet against Taylor alleging crimes against humanity, murder, sexual violence and unlawful use of child soldiers. But Da Silva said on Wednesday this had now been revised down to 11 counts, without reducing the gravity of the charges.

"On March 16 a judge of the Special Court gave permission to amend the indictment against Taylor and he is now charged with 11 counts," Da Silva explained.

"This will ensure a more focussed trial (but) the thrust and gravity of the former indictment is in no way diminished," he added.

"I think his capture and being put on trial does not only close a chapter, but it also sends a powerful message to the region that impunity will not be allowed to stand, and would-be warlords will pay a price," said UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.

"Today is a momentous occasion and an important day for international justice, the international community and the people of Sierra Leone," said Da Silva.

On landing at a helipad at the 11-acre UN Special Court compound in Freetown, Taylor was immediately locked up in a cell.

Journalists had a glimpse of him in his cell where he sat handcuffed on a wooden chair dressed in a brown shirt and a pair of shorts.

Taylor was arrested by the UN peacekeeping force in Liberia (UNMIL) on the strength of a UN Security Council mandate which permitted the 17,000-strong force to arrest Taylor whenever he set foot on Liberian soil.

The former Liberian strongman is among 11 people charged by the Special Court for Sierra Leone for crimes during the civil war that ravaged the country.

The court is a hybrid of international and local law created under an agreement signed between the Sierra Leone government and the United Nations.

"In respect of counter-terrorism, both our countries have suffered from terrorism and have a common interest in defeating it and we will work together on that," Blair said.

Indonesia has been scarred by a series of deadly attacks blamed on the Al-Qaeda-linked Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) regional network, including the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people, mostly Western holidaymakers.

London was also rocked by bombings claimed by Al-Qaeda last July that killed 56 people, including the bombers, on three underground trains and a bus.

Blair said the world's most populous Muslim country also had a key role to play in fostering religious understanding.

"I think Indonesia is a crucial partner in trying to ensure that there is greater understanding of people of different faiths and that they are engaged in resolving the conflicts in the world," he said.

Blair, making the first visit to Indonesia by a serving British prime minister since Margaret Thatcher in 1985, officially launched with Yudhoyono the Indonesia-United Kingdom Islamic Advisory Group.

The group, comprised of Muslims leaders from both nations, will provide advice on countering extremism and promoting mutual understanding and tolerance between Islam and the West.

The British leader also met Islamic scholars in what he described as an "inspiring and at times moving occasion."

On defence and counter-terrorism issues, Blair said there was a close working relationship between the two countries that needed to be strengthened further.

"We want in defence terms now to treat Indonesia as it should be -- as our friend and our ally," he said.

Yudhoyono said Indonesia was improving its capacity to combat terrorism in line with the rule of law while respecting human rights.

"We try to bring perpetrators to justice as transparently and as accountably as possible so that people can follow what has been done by the government and the law enforcement agencies in Indonesia," he told the press conference.

Indonesian authorities have arrested some 270 militants since the 2002 Bali attacks.

Blair took up the theme of greater cooperation between Muslims and Western countries again on a visit to an Islamic boarding school in southern Jakarta.

The school is one of 1,000 set to form an Internet-linkup between the two countries in a bid to foster increased understanding.

The teenagers grilled Blair on his backing for the US-led invasion of Iraq and military action in Afghanistan. He responded by stressing the need for both supporters and opponents to understand each other's viewpoint.

That was the nature of democracy, he said.

"We have got to see how we make sure we build a bridge of understanding between the Muslim and Western world," Blair said. "That doesn't mean we always agree but it means we always understand why we disagree."

The West has shown a growing interest in Indonesia, which made its transition to democracy after the 1998 resignation of former dictator Suharto, assisting in reconstruction in Aceh, where 168,000 people were killed.

Blair jetted into Jakarta late Wednesday after stops in Australia and New Zealand. He was due to depart Thursday evening.

A U.S. and a Canadian soldier were killed in the fighting in the southern province of Helmand, along with 32 Taliban, military officials said.

The Taliban say they have launched a spring offensive in their campaign to oust foreign troops and defeat the Western-backed government. They say they have numerous suicide bombers waiting to strike.

Security forces in Kandahar arrested nine suspected Taliban suicide bombers, two of them Pakistanis, the provincial governor said.

In other incidents, suspected Taliban gunmen on motorcycles killed a government militia commander and his brother in the southern province of Helmand, and a roadside blast in the southeastern town of Khost wounded four people, two of them policemen, police said.

One person was seriously hurt from the blast which damaged several apartments in an eight-storey complex, they said.

The explosion, which echoed through a residential neighborhood in Haifa early in the morning, initially raised suspicions it may have been an attack by Palestinian militants.

It later appeared to be an accident, Israeli media reported, adding that police were investigating.

Had Ariel Sharon, who still lies in a coma, died a few days before the election, Kadima -- which drew members from both Likud and Labor -- might have added another ten seats to its tally, but this vote yesterday was not about sympathy for Sharon. In fact, Kadima performed a bit below expectations, securing just 28 seats. But that's enough -- and frankly, Olmert's need for partners makes him more pliable on some of Israel's domestic and foreign policy challenges.

Amir Peretz performed above expectations. Interestingly, his campaign was helped by the firm Greenberg Quinlan Rosner which will get at least some credit in Peretz's surprising success. Stan Greenberg's firm was prominently profiled in the recent documentary hit, Our Brand is Crisis, about which I'll be writing more soon.

Peretz wants the government to focus on economic policies that improve conditions for Israel's working underclass and he is a strong believer in "negotiated" rather than "unilaterally imposed" solutions regarding to Israel's permanent borders and other issues like access to and control of Jerusalem, right of Palestinians to return, settlement-related land swaps, and the like. Peretz was able to keep Labor whole, and even moved it up a few notches above 2003 levels even though there were significant defections to Kadima.

Shas, a party of orthodox Jews, that is a likely coalition partner in the new government surged far beyond expectations and is now Israel's third largest political party. Some think that this "black hats" crowd is opposed to anything that would undermine a "Greater Israel". I'm no specialist on Shas, but in the limited discussions I have had with politically aware orthodox Jews, I sense no such rigidity. They are not part of the National Right in Israel and focus more on the religious dimensions of public policy. My sense is that Shas can support the right kind of negotiated Palestinian-Israel deal. Olmert must think so as well or he would not be inviting Shas into the government.

Israel's fourth largest political party is not the Likud, but is rather the new Yisrael Beitenu party headed by the charismatic Avigdor Lieberman -- whose party depends almost entirely on Israel's newest block of mostly-Russian speaking immigrants. Lieberman's party is ultra-nationalist and very committed to settlement protection and expansion, but at the same time must deal with the chronic underemployment and social problems related to his primary constituents. There is a lot of tension regarding the Russian immigrants, many of whom more traditional Israelis do not consider real Jews. This is something I had never heard before -- but the tectonics between other parts of Israeli society and the Russian-speaking segments are fragile.

Yisrael Beitenu will also be seen by many as the new leader of the political opposition. But one of the trends I saw when I was recently in Israel is that the supporters of this party were increasingly isolated from other parts of Israeli society -- and while they have coalesced and pushed their party forward, they may have just hit their upper water mark. I asked the Mayor of Israel's largest settlement in the Occupied territories whether he would become a champion for protecting and promoting the interests of other settlements, many of which have become dominated by the new Russian immigrants. He said definitively, "No", and said that there were serious disagreements among the heads of various settlements.

Thus, Yisrael Beitenu may have a difficult time working in common purpose with other opposition parties if it's own future strength depends upon an agitated and motivated ethnic group that other parties will no doubt either try to co-opt or isolate politically. Given that Olmert has so quickly committed himself to negotiations with the Palestinians, he is calculating that he can get away with bulldozing the supporters of Yisrael Beitenu who solidly support the far right -- but which now have little influence in any of the other leading parties.

Now in fifth, somewhat shockingly, is Likud under the probable temporary direction of Netanyahu. Netanyahu failed to capture the imagination of Israel's security-concerned citizens in the wake of Sharon's move to Kadima. Some blame Netanyahu for inspiring Rabin's death when he failed to speak out against extremist elements in his party who depicted Rabin as a latter-day Nazi. Netanyahu again failed to curb Likud elements who were doing the same with both Ariel Sharon and Olmert. This was one of the reasons why Netanyahu's efforts backfired. He flirts with radicals who tilt more towards violence and force than towards principled policy stands and constructive engagement. Some have told me that chances are high that Netanyahu will be de-throned soon.

On other fronts, the Pensioners -- a new party concerned primarily with seeing to the social safety net for Israel's more aged workers and retirees -- did unbelievably well and probably shore up Amir Peretz's intentions to drive more national attention towards the domestic economy.

The Arab parties also did resoundingly well and have done a good job of securing a Knesset presence more in line with their 20% portion of Israel's population. Interestingly, the success of the Arab parties will underscore for the Israeli Jewish parties why they must move forward on permanent status negotiations. When looking at the entire population of Israelis and Palestinians in Israel and the occupied territories, the population is about 52.5% Israeli Jew and 47.5% non-Israeli Jew, and the latter are growing at a raid democratic clip while Israeli Jews are suffering declining replacement rates.

The one somwhat sad result in this election was Meretz, headed by former Justice Minister Yossi Beilin who initiated the Oslo process and who is one of the most intelligent and capable policy players in Israeli politics. Beilin is on the left and focused his party's agenda on securing "civil marriage" -- which is a huge issue it turns out.

Rather than focusing more squarely on the needs of "civil marriage" in heterosexual relationships, Yossi's advisors pushed him to make it a campaign for civil marriage rights in both heterosexual and homosexual relationships -- but the ads promoting same-sex marriage seemed to me to stand out more than the straight ads.

Meretz ran one hilarious political ad with two guys dressed as big white "drops" -- sort of like a white candy kiss -- but these were meant to be drops of sperm (no, I'm not kidding), and they were discussing their fears of being born as a woman because women in Israel are often subjected to religious and other forms of discrimination. Then, I think (as I don't speak Hebrew) one of the sperm "hit on" the other sperm and mentioned that he looked forward to "coming out" -- code words that the sperm thinks he's gay. (Note that I may have some errors in translation from the sperm episode.)

I admire the bravery of the ads, and they are certainly far ahead of the discussions America is having on these fronts -- but still, I'm not sure that Yossi Beilin's party selected a roster of policy objectives that would move it forward. The jury is still out on whether Meretz will be brought into government or not. My sources tell me that it's doubtful at this time.

Hope these reflections are useful to those of you who don't follow the political theatrics in Israel closely. There are many sources more informed than TWN on the nuances and historical context of what is currently happening -- but I also feel that there has been a sort of "cartel" of institutions and commentators in Washington who have dominated discourse on Israel-Palestine issues, and I'm intending to help shatter that cartel.

These will almost certainly include Labor (with 20 Knesset seats) and the Sephardic Orthodox party Shas (with 13) and possibly the right-wing Yisrael Beiteinu party (also with 13) representing the Russian-speaking immigrants around the country.

For many Israelis, this vote wasn't just about the big picture - dealing with a hostile Palestinian leadership in the West Bank and Gaza. It was also about more personal issues: as Israel drifts away from its socialist origins of collective farms and all-embracing welfare towards bustling capitalism, it has ignored the poorer folks left behind. That, say analysts, explains the voters' tilt to parties such as Labor, led by Moroccan-born Amir Peretz, which focused its campaign on social inequalities, and the parties such as Shas and Beiteinu that championed the neglected but sizeable Sephardic and Russian communities. The Pensioners Party, whose sole platform was to improve benefits for elderly Israelis, was the surprise of the elections, garnering eight seats. All these factors coalesced to deal the once-dominant right-wing Likud party a resounding blow. Led by ex-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Likud scraped together only 11 seats. Netanyahu's harsh budget cuts in the mid-1990s are remembered in fury by many Israelis who sought revenge in these polls.

Yair Lapid, a columnist from the Hebrew daily Yedioth Ahronoth, sums up the elections: "The people do not want to continue to hold on to the (occupied) territories, it supports the next disengagement, and it isn't willing to see its grandfather starve to death."

Only four months old, Kadima was created by Ariel Sharon with defectors - critics say "opportunists"- from Likud and Labor. And it took an iron-fisted patriarch like Sharon to hold this band of feisty Napoleons together. Party insiders admit that if Sharon were leading the party instead of lying in a coma after a January 4 stroke, Kadima would have fared far better. Now, Kadima will be at the mercy of many partners. Even as the votes were still being counted, Olmert's advisers last night say they were swamped by calls from prospective coalition allies wanting in on the deal.

Olmert, who was catapulted into the Kadima leadership after Sharon's terminal illness, has a reputation has a tough, often acerbic backroom pol. Even so, he will need plenty more prayers to weave together a smooth-running government - not to mention working out peace with the radical Palestinians Hamas.

It says that during the Haj pilgrimages to Mecca in 2003 through 2005, Pakistani scientists posed as pilgrims to come to Saudi Arabia in aircraft laid on by the oil-rich kingdom.

Between October 2004 and January 2005, some of them took the opportunity to "disappear" from their hotel rooms, sometimes for up to three weeks, it quoted German security expert Udo Ulfkotte as saying.

According to western security services, the magazine added, Saudi scientists have been working since the mid-1990s in Pakistan, a nuclear power since 1998 thanks to the work of the now-disgraced Pakistani scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan

Cicero, which will appear on newsstands tomorrow, also quoted a US military analyst, John Pike, as saying that Saudi bar codes can be found on half of Pakistan's nuclear weapons "because it is Saudi Arabia which ultimately co-financed the Pakistani atomic nuclear programme".

The magazine also said satellite images prove that Saudi Arabia has set up in al-Sulaiyil, South of Riyadh, a secret underground city and dozens of underground silos for missiles.

According to some western security services, long-range Ghauri-type missiles of Pakistani-origin are housed inside the silos.

Ever since Washington brokered the Camp David agreement in 1979, successive US administrations have despatched envoys to the region and produced dozens of plans in the search for an elusive peace.

Now, however, the "peace process", as this tortuous brand of diplomacy is known, could be coming to a end. Yesterday's election victory in Israel for the centrist Kadima party has given Ehud Olmert, the man forming the new government, a strong mandate to carry out territorial moves that would see Israel setting out unilaterally what it regards as its future borders.

Last year Ariel Sharon, the former Prime Minister who is in a coma after suffering a stroke, executed a similar move in the Gaza Strip.

That operation, which involved the removal of 8,000 Jewish settlers, was widely welcomed internationally since it conformed to demands that Israel vacate all land it captured in the 1967 Six-Day War.

Mr Olmert's proposed pullout from the West Bank is far more controversial. While he also plans to remove thousands of Jewish settlers, he would incorporate Arab East Jerusalem and three large chunks of occupied territory, where the bulk of Jewish settlements are located.

With the erection of a "security fence" to protect this new frontier, Israel will de facto have redrawn an international border. The move is likely to produce an outcry internationally, but that in itself will not deter a new Government which has the clear backing of the Israeli people.

On the Palestinian side the situation is even more complex. Yesterday the new Palestinian parliament confirmed the appointment of ministers belonging to Hamas, the militant Islamic group which has waged a bloody campaign against Israel.

For the time being there is no question of direct official contact between the new Palestinian government and the West at any senior level until the movement fundamentally changes its policies. America and the EU insist that Hamas recognise Israel's right to exist and abandons the use of violence.

Senior British officials insisted yesterday that there is still the possibility of bringing both parties back into an international framework. The Quartet group, made up of America, Russia, the United Nations and the European Union, will continue to meet and discuss Middle East issues and give its support to the "road map", a plan which envisages the creation of a Palestinian state living side by side with Israel.

But Western diplomats concede that in the present climate the chance of any real negotiations is virtually nil.

As ever in the Middle East, the US remains the only outside player that can exert real pressure on the parties.

But the Bush Administration has time and again shown itself reluctant to get involved and certainly does not intend to challenge Israel. Washington is already struggling with the war in Iraq and other regional crises, without taking on one more intractable problem.

The Navy was last in the region in force in January 2003, when it used the bombing ranges at the Puerto Rican island of Vieques for the final time.

Led by the aircraft carrier George Washington, the deployment also will include the guided missile cruiser Monterey, guided missile destroyer Stout -- all from Norfolk -- and the guided missile frigate Underwood, based in Mayport, Fla.

"The presence of a US carrier task force in the Caribbean will definitely be interpreted as some sort of signal by the governments of Cuba and Venezuela," said Loren Thompson of the Lexington Institute, a pro-defense think tank in Washington.

"If I was sitting in the Venezuela capital looking at this American task force, the message I would be getting is America still is not so distracted by Iraq that it is unable to enforce its interests in the Caribbean," Thompson said.

The objective of the deployment is to support the Southern Command's maritime security in its area of responsibility, the Navy said, which includes 32 countries: 19 in Central and South America and 13 in the Caribbean.

The Navy, citing security requirements, declined to say which nations the carrier group would work with or which ports it might visit. "Each ship will make two or three port visits in the region throughout their two-month deployment, but at this time no announcements are being made," said Lt. Cmdr. Chris Loundermon, a spokesman for the US Southern Command.

Called 'Partnership of the Americas,' the exercise will focus on "unconventional threats, such as narco-terrorism and human trafficking, and improving training levels in a variety of mission areas," the Navy said in a news release.

Stephen Johnson, a former US State Department and senior policy analyst for Latin America at The Heritage Foundation, said such training exercises are relatively common in the region for the United States , albeit smaller ones. "It's a chance to show the flag and let our friends know we care," he said.

As far as the exercise also sending a message to Latin American countries opposed to US policies, particularly to Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, "there is a challenge for us not to be threatening and reignite hostilities in the region," Johnson said. However, there also is increasing concern Venezuela has begun to amass new weapons – from rifles to helicopters -- possibly including Russian Su-27 or Chinese J-10 aircraft .

Tom Baranauskas, a Latin American defence analyst with Forecast International, said Venezuela has plans to procure 138 naval vessels, from small patrol craft to larger ones capable of carrying surface-to-air missiles. It also wants to buy 30 transports and gunship helicopters for the army, he said.

* Venezuela has always announced plans for acquiring new military hardware, even before Chavez came to power in 1998, but couldn't afford it , he said.

"That was before the oil prices went up," Baranauskas said. "Now the money is available, and there is a pretty nice pool to buy this stuff from."

Thompson, with the Lexington Institute, said that although the Caribbean is a natural training area for the United States, "we don't have a task force there very often because of the political sensitivities.

"So the fact we are doing it now will be interpreted by Castro and Chavez as indicative of some sort of US plan, or initiative, or whatever you want to call it ," said Thompson, referring to the Venezuelan leader and Cuban President Fidel Castro. He said US military interests in the region "waxes and wanes" depending on the political rhythms.

"Right now, in addition to the persistent irritation of Castro, we have a very anti-American government in Venezuela, and we have a chronic guerrilla insurgency and narcotics problem in Colombia. "Needless to say, the Venezuela issues intersect rather powerfully with our energy dependence."

Norfolk-based Navy officials said the last time an aircraft carrier was in that region was summer 2004, when the Ronald Reagan sailed around South America after it left Norfolk to join the Pacific Fleet. However, that was a relatively quick trip to get the ship to its new home in San Diego.

The Navy drastically cut back sending its carrier groups, as well as all other warships, to the Caribbean for training when it agreed to abandon the island of Vieques near Puerto Rico in May 2003. Such training activities have since moved to the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic.

Likewise, a yearly exercise in the area, called UNITAS, has been scaled back in recent years. UNITAS is a multinational naval deployment exercise.

Every year since 1960, US Navy ships have circumnavigated the South American continent, participating in maneuvers with local navies.

Lately, however, fewer than four US ships have participated. Instead of an exercise that once lasted as long as six months, it now is relegated to a month or two and is conducted in phases.