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"You get America out of Iraq and
Israel out of Palestine and you'll stop the terrorism."
- Cindy Sheehan
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P I C T U R E
O F T H E D A Y
|
U.S. President George W. Bush writes a note to Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice during a Security Council
meeting at the 2005 World Summit and 60th General
Assembly of the United Nations in New York September
14, 2005. (REUTERS/Rick Wilking)
[View
original Reuters image here]
|
NEW
YORK In what seems destined to become one of the most
joked about photos of the month, a well-known Reuters
photographer on Wednesday captured President George
W. Bush scribbling a note to Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice during a session at the United Nations. On the
note is a message revolving around the need to take
a "bathroom break."
The photo, which appeared on Reuters' official photo site,
was quickly published all over the Web, though dismissed
by some as a likely photoshop special. Others suggested
that surely someone must have hacked the Reuters site. But
a Reuters spokesman on Thursday told E&P the photo
was legit.
"The photographer and editors on this
story were looking for other angles in their
coverage of this event, something that went
beyond the stock pictures of talking heads
that these kind of forums usually offer," explained
Reuters' Stephen Naru. "This picture certainly
does that."
The photo by Denver-based Rick
Wilking, taken over a man's shoulder, shows an
official -- identified in the caption as President Bush
-- scribbling in pencil on a small white piece of paper
that already contains the words: "I think I MAY
NEED A BATHroom break?" It is unclear if Bush is
in the process of responding to that message or wrote
it himself.
The caption at the Reuters site reads:
"U.S. President George W. Bush writes a note to
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice during a Security
Council meeting at the 2005 World Summit and 60th General
Assembly of the United Nations in New York September
14, 2005. World leaders are exploring ways to revitalize
the United Nations at a summit on Wednesday but their
blueprint falls short of Secretary-General Kofi Annan's
vision of freedom from want, persecution and war."
The photo can be found here.
Wilking, a former Reuters staffer in Europe, took several
other photos today at the U.N. posted at the Reuters
site on Wednesday. He recently
covered the hurricane disaster in the Gulf, and on Sept.
2 was profiled
at E&P Online.
He told E&P's Jay DeFoore at that time that he decided
to leave New Orleans only after his laptop and two cameras
were stolen from his car parked near the convention center.
But he vowed to return to cover the "human tragedy."
One online bio of Wilking describes him as a "presidential
photographer" with 12 years experience shooting
pictures in Washington or on various White House assignments.
It says he started his career as a photojournalist for
the Colorado Daily in 1974. |
NEW YORK -- Reuters photojournalist Rick
Wilking has covered nearly every major storm in the
U.S. since the late '80s, but he's never seen anything
quite as bad as Hurricane Katrina.
That's why Wilking, who left New
Orleans Thursday after spending the last week documenting
the storm and its aftermath, helped evacuate several people
he had come to know during his stay.
Driving in a two-car caravan, Wilking and Getty Images
photographer Mark Wilson helped evacuate five people
in all, including their pets. The group included two
elderly couples and the manager of a bar in the French
Quarter which Wilking had used to transmit photos throughout
the week. The bar, miraculously, maintained one of the
few working phone lines in the city.
Wilking, a former Reuters staffer in
Europe who became a freelancer after moving to Denver,
said one of the men he evacuated was a war veteran
with Parkinson's disease who "couldn't move
unaided at all."
Speaking to E&P shortly after arriving at the
Denver airport Friday afternoon, Wilking described
New Orleans as one of the most horrific scenes he's
witnessed in his two-decade career.
"Anybody and everybody who saw that you had
a set of wheels asked you to give them a lift out
of town," Wilking said. "Floods really
limited your mobility. You're always watching your
back and worried about losing your [equipment]. … [It's]
the kind of stuff I've run into in Haiti, where there's
civil unrest, but never while covering a storm."
At the convention center Thursday, a full milk bottle
thrown from a crowd narrowly missed Wilking, who
had been photographing dead bodies in the street
at the time. Wilking said Eastern New Orleans was "a
whole different world," where thousands of people
were left at the mercy of painstakingly slow boat
rescues. Wilking photographed hospital patients with
catheters and IVs still attached roaming the streets
in wheelchairs.
Half the people he met were embarrassed and didn't
want their picture taken. The other half cried out
for someone to tell the story of their plight.
Wilking said he decided to leave New Orleans only after
his laptop and two cameras were stolen from his car that
was parked near the convention center Thursday. Gary
Hershorn, Reuters' North American photo editor, had a
different view: "It's time to get him out," Hershorn
said Friday. "He's been there long enough. … I
don't want to leave people there longer than a week.
It's just too hard. People are working 24-hour days and
not getting any sleep."
New York-based photojournalist Shannon Stapleton, who
arrived in Baton Rouge on Friday, will take Wilking's
spot in the rotation. Reuters also has photojournalist
Jason Reed in New Orleans.
Wilking plans to return to the story once he recharges
and replaces his stolen equipment. "This story
ain't going away," Wilking said. "It was
a storm story before, but now it's a human tragedy."
Jay DeFoore (jdefoore@editorandpublisher.com)
is E&P's Online Editor. |
Yesterday's images of Bush at
the U.N. tell us a lot about what we already know. But
they also start to tell us about what we can expect.
We know Condi is the teacher and Bush is her pupil.
We also know Bush is monitored for every word that
comes out of his mouth.
Here's where things might start to look different,
though.
Before Katrina, the White House could count on two
things.
1.) Bush having rigid control over himself and his
demeanor.
2.) A press so intimidated, they wouldn't dare challenge
(let alone, look through) Bush's mask.
With the damage that Bush has inflicted on himself,
however, his veneer seems to be cracking along with
his cockiness. Although about 40% of the population
seems to be permanently taken in by Dubya's practiced
amiability, people who know better describe him as
a man who is tempermental, stubborn, impatient and
callous -- at least, behind closed doors. The
problem (for Bush, I mean) is that the former cheerleader,
reeling from the past two weeks, seems to be dropping
his guard.
Previously visible only in snippets
(usually clamped down by those all too familiar pursed
lips), the hurricane battered Bush can now seem outwardly
brooding; bored; withdrawn and distracted: and also
sarcastic and snide. (And, judging by the hostility
coming out of his wife and mother, perhaps the whole
family may be starting to show its true colors.)
In spite of this new vulnerability, however, the much
larger dilemma for Bush is the potential loss of his
free pass from the press. For the moment, the
media -- having been beaten into submission for years
now -- seems determined not to look away.
Beyond that, you can also almost
sense an instinct to punish Bush for the way he has
manipulated and humiliated the press corp. When
a reader forwarded this last image to me earlier
this afternoon, I took it as parody. When I
saw it again (this time, among the newswire images),
I thought someone from the Daily Show must have hacked
YahooNews.
Bush asking Condi for permission
to relieve himself? (That's what the caption
said.) Take it as stolen evidence that he really
can't think for himself.
(And then, how many other world leaders
would need two conditional declarations within the
first four words about something so definitive, still
need a question mark at the end of the sentence, and
then have to ask again?) |
Delta,
Northwest file for bankruptcy
Spike in jet fuel sparks filings, putting almost half
of U.S. airline capacity in Chapter 11 |
By Chris Isidore
CNN/Money senior writer
September 14, 2005: 7:47 PM EDT |
NEW YORK - The airline industry's
five-year financial crisis came to a head Wednesday
evening as Delta Air Lines and Northwest Airlines,
two of the nation's largest carriers, both filed for
bankruptcy.
Delta, the nation's No. 3 airline, filed first.
(For more on Delta's filing, click
here.)
Northwest, the No. 4 carrier, followed within minutes.
(Full
story.)
Both cited the recent spike in jet
fuel costs, which have soared nearly 20 percent since
June 1, as prime reasons for seeking protection from
creditors under Chapter 11 of federal bankruptcy laws.
"This is a coincidence, but what a coincidence," said
industry consultant Michael Boyd. "This
is another 9/11. Most carriers adjusted to that, but
now we have another 9/11 that's called fuel. And we
have another half of a 9/11 called pensions."
"The problem is there is so much competition
out there, that fares get driven into the cellar," he
added. "All this does is get two carriers into
position where they can better deal with it, but it's
not going to solve the basic problem that the industry
[pricing] is irrational."
The two carriers joined No. 2 United
Airlines, which has been operating under bankruptcy
protection since December 2002, and US
Airways, which is in its second trip to bankruptcy
court since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.
With the twin filings Wednesday,
nearly half of the domestic industry's capacity is
now on carriers operating in Chapter 11, according
to an estimate from Bear Stearns. In Chapter
11, a company is protected from creditors while it
keeps operating and tries to cut costs and reorganize.
There have been only a few profitable quarters for
a few of the major airlines since the beginning of
2001, when a downturn in business travel eight months
ahead of the Sept. 11 attacks started the red ink flowing.
The Air Transport Association estimates that from
2001 though 2004, the industry posted net losses of
$32.3 billion, even with the profits made at lower-cost
carriers such as Southwest Airlines and JetBlue.
Losses of another $9 billion to $10 billion are expected
in 2005, and few analysts are projecting when there
might be a return to profitability.
Both Delta and Northwest said they would keep flying,
saying passengers should not be affected by the filings.
Delta, founded in 1928 in Monroe, Louisiana, (hence
the airline's name), is now based in Atlanta and flies
some 340,000 passengers on about 1,870 flights a day.
Northwest, which started flying mail in 1926 and passengers
a year later, carries about 160,000 people on its 1,450
flights a day. |
"I read a news brief in
my local travel section that both Northwest and Delta
are likely to file Chapter 11 soon," wrote a reader
in mid-August. "How is this going to affect travelers?
Should we avoid buying plane tickets from these carriers
for travel later this year? Will ticket prices be likely
to come down after they file Chapter 11? And, once
they've filed, are we relatively 'safe' in buying their
tickets, or will we have to buy tickets a second time
on another carrier because they can't provide the service?"
That's typical of several e-mails I've received
recently, so it's time for a refresher course in
what does and doesn't happen in an airline bankruptcy.
An airline's filing for Chapter
11 bankruptcy is essentially transparent to travelers. As
far as the operation of the airline is concerned,
almost nothing changes. People keep buying tickets,
the airline flights operate as usual, and travelers
would be hard-put to know that the bankruptcy ever
happened.
Many travelers seem to think that bankruptcy is synonymous
with failure; that a bankrupt company must necessarily
liquidate its remaining assets and go out of existence.
That's just not the case, at least with the type of
bankruptcy known as Chapter 11. Struggling companies
use Chapter 11 bankruptcy not to fail but to keep operating,
while shedding some of their debts and other obligations.
Among others, that means defaulting on pension obligations,
as several airlines have already done. In
sum, Chapter 11 bankruptcy can do great harm to employees,
stockholders, and debtors, but it has almost no effect
on customers. Tickets and frequent flyer miles
are about as safe with Delta or Northwest as with any
other big line.
The main reason for the current bankruptcy speculation
is that the government rules on Chapter 11 bankruptcy
change this October. Since the new rules are stricter
than the current ones, struggling companies in many
industries - not just airlines - are thinking about
preemptive filings before the change goes into effect.
As this point, then, I would not hesitate to buy tickets
on Delta. But, to answer another part of my reader's
inquiry, I wouldn't expect a bankruptcy filing to result
in lower fares. As I'm writing this column, the big
airlines are having one of their frequent sales, and
fares are low. In the longer
term, however, fares have to go up, not down. Historically
high oil prices are eating away at the bottom lines
of all airlines, whether profitable or bankrupt. Despite
periodic sales and promotions, overall fares will likely
keep edging up during the next year or so.
As far as I know, the only U.S. airline facing the
possibility of actual failure - shutting down and liquidating
- is Independence Air. Several important industry mavens
are suggesting that Independence might, in fact, have
to quit in the next few months. I'm certainly not enough
of a financial analyst to evaluate those conclusions,
although I do believe that Independence's business
model was unsound from the outset. Right now, I would
hesitate to buy a ticket on Independence.
E-mail Ed Perkins at eperkins@mind.net; or purchase
a copy of his latest book, "Business
Travel: When It's Your Money," the first
step-by-step guide specifically written for small
business and self-employed professional travelers. |
If your only source
of the news was Fox, CNN, or the major networks, you'd
think that the people who stayed in New Orleans - whether
huddled up at the Superdome, the Convention Center, or
in their homes - were so devoid of initiative that they
simply sat on their bums waiting for the government to
come in and save them: exactly the image of the poor
that the media and the elite wish you to have. You know,
the welfare bums who have chosen to be lazy and not get
a job, preferring government handouts to the menial work
for minimum wage that gives their life value and promotes
self-esteem; the sort of people who will capitalise on
a disaster by looting in order to get all those gadgets
and goodies they aren't willing to earn themselves.
We have collected today some of the stories that have
appeared that show a different view of the survivors,
stories of people banding together and cooperating,
sharing resources and skills, in order to make it through
the aftermath of Katrina. |
Peter Berkowitz is
a staff attorney at a Massachusetts prison. He was traveling
in New Orleans with his wife Bruni & son Ernesto
when the hurricane hit. They were there because Ernesto
was planning to start his freshman year at Loyola of
New Orleans. What follows is his letter to his 80-something
mother. It was forwarded to the PEACE-LIST at Syracuse
University by Carole Resnick <CaroleRes@msn.com>
on Wednesday, September 14, 2005.
95 5
Dear Mom:
This is pretty much what happened to us as far as I
can remember it. Some of it is probably off because we
lost track of time and days and nights blended. I'm still
feeling very angry and sad. Watching the news outrages
me. I see "Dr. Phil" opining on why people
didn't evacuate New Orleans. He says they didn't believe
there would be a hurricane, or they didn't want to leave,
etc. Well there was no way to leave. We had no way out.
People with families and no resources had no way out.
There were no buses coming for people, or shelters to
take people to. Just announcements to leave. So naturally,
the poorest, sickest, etc. were left behind. No one,
as far as I could see, wanted to be there or elected
to be there. No one really allowed them to get out!
Anyway, we began hearing hurricane news on the television.
By Saturday, we were hearing insanely frightening news
of a direct category 5 hurricane hit and projections
of massive flooding and deaths of up to 30,000 people.
Despite being through several hurricanes, this seemed
worse than imaginable. We were pretty scared. Bruni and
I had tickets out for Sunday, 828 at 2 pm so we weren't
worried. I called all the airlines and finally got Ernesto
a ticket to Chicago for 1 pm the next day.
Sunday morning we sent Ernesto back to school to get
his things. I called to check on my reservation and was
told the flight was cancelled. Bruni and I had no way
out. Ernesto's flight was never cancelled, but there
were no taxis, buses, etc., or any way to get to the
airport.
So we bought some wine and canned goods and waited out
the storm in the hotel. With all the dire predictions,
it was pretty nerve-wracking to wait. I don't remember
the storm too well. The winds picked up at night and
really roared during the day Monday morning. The electricity
went, but we had water. We watched the hurricane from
our room and from the lobby of our hotel. The two restaurants
attached to the hotel made coffee and sandwiches for
the guests. The bar was opened. Everyone cooperated,
so it was not nearly as bad as predicted. Being in the
city, the hotel was pretty well protected by other buildings.
It was not nearly as bad (or impressive) as the hurricanes
we passed in Cupey.
So everything was fine and we were just waiting for
the next day to see when the airport would open and when
we could get out. It was quite a relief.
Tuesday morning at about 8 am, the hotel people knocked
on our door to say we were evacuating the hotel immediately
for their sister hotel the Saint Marie. The wanted to
get all the guests together for protection from looters
at nighttime, because the Saint Marie had a generator,
and because it was 5 stories high, and there was lots
of talk of floods of up to 20 feet. So we left for the
Saint Marie, two blocks away. When we got there, we were
herded into the ballroom and told to stay there. As I
kept inquiring about our room, I was finally told there
were no rooms, that we could stay in the ballroom if
we wanted as the flood waters poured in, or we could
go to the official evacuation center at the Convention
Center. We were effectively kicked out of the hotel.
So we left with about 15 other guests and walked through
the streets, about 10 blocks to the Convention Center.
Water was clearly coming down the streets from the direction
of Lake Ponchartrain, and the flood news was terrible.
At the front door, the workers there told us to go around
to the side. At the side, we were informed that the Convention
Center was not an evacuation center, and that no one
was permitted inside.
There was no one else there except for our group. Our
concern at the moment was not to be caught up in the
flood. Behind the Convention Center ran the "Riverwalk",
a Mall and outside walkway along the Mississippi. Right
on the side of the Convention Center was an escalator
that ran up to a maybe 100 foot long covered walkway
that led into the Mall. The walkway was about thirty
feet high. We decided that it was the best place for
now to ride out the flood.
So we all went up and put down our bags. Ernesto and
I walked to the mall entrance, but the doors were locked.
We thought maybe moving into the mall might be better
and safer. At the very corner of the front windows to
the entrance to the Mall, we found a window shattered
on the bottom by the storm. I broke the rest of the window
out so we could walk in. The Mall was full of shops and
food and drink kiosks. We showed it to the other people
with us. Since it was hot inside the Mall and the people
were still afraid of getting in trouble for "trespassing",
they elected to camp outside.
We decided to stay all together as a group. Since we
had no food or water and no way to get any, we went into
the Mall and began "looting", gathering food
and water for our survival.
At this point, there was no communication with anyone.
No one knew what was happening. There were no police.
There was nothing other than news of terrible floods.
Everyone was on their own.
So now, with some food and water, we sat down to wait.
The entrance to the Riverwalk had part of the roof still
intact, so we were able to wait in the shade.
Shortly after, we noticed a man with
a rifle and duffel bag walk up to the door to the Mall.
We see him try the door and find it locked. Then he simply
smashed out the door with the butt of his rifle and walked
in. We, of course, decided to not enter again until he
left. Maybe half an hour later, he marched past us and
was gone. His duffel seemed a bit fuller.
We went in again and explored more, located where the
food was, found stores on a lower floor, etc. Some
time passed, and then the person with the rifle returns
again. This time we notice he is a cop, and he is with
four other cops, and they all have arms and duffel bags.
And their only purpose is to get whatever they can.
That really opened up the Mall for us. We gathered food,
drinks, and explored the stores. Some other tourists
appeared and joined us. We took chairs and tables out
of the mall. The police had "opened up"
Footlocker and other stores, so there were shoes and
clothes available for the taking. I wandered through
looking for bedding and ways to set up camp. I took the
covers off of some kiosks to use as a bed. Bruni found
some semi-cushioned furniture and we took cushions. One
day we found pillows in a store.
Our group grew as new people came looking for ways to
get out of the expected flooding. At some point, I started
to walk back to our hotel to find out if we could stay
there. On the way, I ran into an employee of the hotel
and her family who had also been kicked out of the hotel.
They came up and joined us as well.
The first night, there were about thirty of us up on
the bridge. The next day, some others arrived. I think
the second day, Wednesday, might be when the Convention
Center opened, because one family decided to move down
there. I think it was one of the families of the hotel
employees. They had been enjoying the provisions of the
Mall with us. Once they moved down to the Convention
Center, word spread, and there was a steady stream of
people coming up and sacking the Mall. People came out
with everything, as did we. More stores were broken into,
and people came out with bags and bags of goods. And
it spread and spread. We went in systematically all day
long taking out food and provisions.
During all of this, there were no police around. There
were no authorities around. There was no food. There
was no water. There was no information, other than the
hysteria and rumors from the radio. No one knew how long
we'd be there. No one knew when the floods would reach
us. The news indicates that the airport is under ten
feet of water, that the main shelter, the Superdome,
has lost part of its roof and is flooding, that there
is killing, and looting, and who knows what else. Everything
is rumor. No one knows anything. If
you see a cop, they are on their own. They are also homeless,
and if they talk to you, it is to say you are on your
own.
By Wednesday, the streets were filled with people who
are at the Convention Center. There are thousands of
people in the streets. No one has food or water. It is
hot and miserable. It was maybe Wednesday or Thursday
that some people on the street began yelling about dead
bodies, and tossed a body wrapped in a sheet on the side
of the Convention Center just below us. A little later
a wheelchair with a dead woman appears there as well.
Again, everything is rumor. People are saying that the
dead woman in the wheelchair was bludgeoned to death
in the Convention Center. At the same time, hordes of
people are coming up the steps past us and into the Mall.
They are breaking into all the stores, smashing cash
registers, etc. There is desperation all around. And
anger. And violence.
Our group is about 50. We are mostly tourists from the
US, Australia, England etc. There are also several families
from New Orleans who were flooded out who have joined
us. Two of the people are nurses. The bathrooms in the
mall have overflowed. There has been no water since Tuesday
night. Food is rotting. Everything smells, as do we.
But we are organized. We have set up buckets behind broken
pieces of zinc roofing as bathrooms. We have sodas and
water stacked up in our kitchen. While there is still
ice in the Mall, we have some hams buried there. We have
umbrellas and trash cans and trash bags ... even disposable
gloves to help avoid disease. We also have dead bodies,
dead rats, and shit and stink all around. And we have
no idea how long we are here for.
Our group is mostly white and
from Middle America. They decide that the blacks (the
Convention Center is 99% black obviously) are planning
to murder us to get attention and help). There is mass
hysteria in the group, and racism is rampant. People
don't know where to flee. Rumors are everywhere about
murder, rape, etc. There are shots during the
night Thursday or Friday. At 2 am, there is a huge
explosion across the river, and a huge fire. Smoke
pours in from fires in every direction.
There is some nasty racism in our group.
One day, when the hysteria is greatest, a black man stands
up and says, "Why do you think these people want
to kill you? They are surviving just the same as you.
Struggling just the same. Just as desperate as you. They
don't care anything about you. They are concentrating
on surviving, etc."
That calmed people a bit and made them feel particularly
foolish.
At the same time, more and more families
from the Convention Center were moving up to the walkway
with us. Our group grew to about 80. Each morning, people
began to bag the garbage. Others swept the walkway. Some
set out breakfast for everybody. Two women who were home
care workers for the elderly emptied and cleaned the
shit buckets. A group would go into the Mall and forage
for provisions. Then we would sit all day and wait.
I think on Friday the helicopters
began to arrive dropping water and MRE rations in the
parking lot in front of us. It was the first and only
food and water ever to arrive -- three days after the
hurricane. And it was just tossed from the helicopter
for people to run after and gather. The old and the
sick had nothing. Again, no one knew what was
happening. Fires were burning all around. Everyone
was desperate and frightened. Everyone was just trying
to survive. And everyone, other than us tourists, was
there because they had been completely wiped out --
had lost their homes and every possession and had young
kids and elderly parents to feed.
As the helicopters arrived, we also ran down and gathered
what we could. We began to survive on the army rations.
Ernesto and I became friendly with the man who had given
the speech chastising our group. He invited me to go
with him to the Convention Center and distribute whatever
Army rations we could pick up from the next helicopter
to the disabled there, since they had no way to get rations.
We gathered about 30 meals off of the next drop.
The drops were scandalous -- throwing
food and water out of a hovering helicopter -- people
scrambling for food to survive. Reduced to animals foraging
-- when the copters could have landed, imposed order
with guards, and distributed food with some respect and
humanity.
Anyway, we walked through the Convention Center distributing
food. The Center takes up about eight city blocks. There
must have been 25,000 people camped out there without
provisions, without bathrooms, without water or electricity
... with no means of survival. Families with little kids.
Old people. People in wheelchairs. There was no medicine.
No nurses or doctors. There was filth and garbage everywhere.
Some people asked for food, and we gave it. Others said
they were fine and had eaten. Some pointed out others
who needed food. Like our group,
they were doing their best to survive, and sharing whatever
they had. We kept walking. The crowds went on and on.
People with nothing. Every one of them had lost everything.
Abandoned. Not knowing how they would eat, how they would
survive. It was the most disgraceful, sad, infuriating
thing I had ever seen in my life. Poor people discarded
like garbage because they were poor people.
Everybody was waiting for the promised buses to evacuate
us. Every day there were rumors of buses. Every day we
waited and watched. Nothing ever came. Every day there
was more filth. More people fainting from dehydration.
Children were getting sick. Disease was becoming a bigger
worry.
Our community on the walkway was interesting.
One day a reporter came by and asked me if we had a "mayor" ...
we didn't. Everyone worked. Everyone joined in. Everyone
did the job that made them most comfortable. And everything
functioned. And as people joined us, they automatically
joined in the work. There were differences, but everyone
worked. When there was talk about leaving or looking
for ways out, it was discussed collectively. There was
always a sense of staying together and getting out as
a group. There was also nastiness, and racism, and comments
about "the people down there" in the Convention
Center. We intervened with a lot with people in our group
who were blaming all the "people down there" for
the violence. We intervened when reporters started to
come and were told that "the people down there"
were looting and killing. We told them that they were
doing just what we were doing -- doing what was necessary
to survive in desperate circumstances.
I don't know what else to say. We were anxious all the
time. The nights were the worst ... partly because nights
are generally more frightening, but also because there
were often shots or explosions. There was always a surprise,
and it was always bad news. It seemed like it would never
get better. We just waited and scavenged. We worried
that things would get more violent as they got more desperate.
We also made incredible friends and saw amazing acts
of kindness.
One morning, we woke and packed at 3 am because of a
rumor that the buses were coming early in the morning.
We waited and hoped. No buses came. We cleaned up camp
and sat down to wait again, hoping to get through another
day without tragedy.
It was Friday or Saturday that we heard
the news that Bush was coming to view the disaster. That
was when I first thought we would be getting out. I knew
that New Orleans was another stage, and that the president
wasn't going to show up unless the troops were coming
and the mess was going to be cleaned up. Here was a chance
to improve his ratings. Here was a place where an appearance
without an immediate success would be a political disaster.
Here was another excellent political stage. And of course
we looked down the next day at noon and there were the
troops. And a perimeter was set up. And piles of water
and food were set up in the parking area. And that was
the beginning of the evacuation. By the next day, the
buses arrived. I think we finally left at around 4 pm
on Saturday.
Once the troops arrived, the general anxiety level went
down. Now it was just a question of getting out. Fires
were burning. When the wind shifted it was hard to breathe,
but we knew if no other disaster hit, we would get out
soon. As always, they told us the buses were coming.
We didn't believe it for a minute. The
National Guard told us we had to vacate the walkway and
go down onto the street to await the buses. Of course
we refused. We told them we had a community here that
was self sufficient. There was no need for us to be on
the street and in the sun for nothing. That here, we
were supplying food, medical services, etc to ourselves
and to anyone who had a need. By this time, we had about
five or six elderly and incapacitated people in our group.
They had been left behind by a hospital when they evacuated.
They were with a nurse who had been abandoned with them.
We pointed out that our sick could not go down. We had
another nurse in our group who was very well-spoken,
and helped convince the National Guard that we had to
stay for reasons of the health of the children and the
elderly. So we stuck together and stayed on the walkway.
Nobody left until we finally saw the buses, and were
assured that everyone would get out. And then we marched
out together as a group, with much of the group still
intact.
In convincing the National Guard to let us stay, one
of the more hateful and delusional of our group argued
to the Guard that we should be left on the walkway because
of "racial tensions". This was the same woman
who had been telling everyone who would listen that the
blacks would slaughter us to gain media attention so
they would be evacuated. Anyway, between all the arguments,
we were allowed to stay. And it also resulted in one
of the most shameful moments of our stay. When the meals
were distributed in the parking lot, several distribution
lines were formed. We were given a separate line. Our
line was escorted to and from the food by Guardsmen.
No one from our group was ever able to walk alone. As
always, it is the racist hysterical argument that prevails.
It was better not to get food then to pass through that
disgrace.
We were amazed when we walked down to the corner where
the bus was supposed to be that there was actually a
bus. It took an hour to get out of the city. The driver
did not know where we were going. As usual, we knew nothing.
At some point, the cop leading the line of evacuating
buses informed us that we were going to Fort Chafee,
Arkansas. All we wanted was an airport, but there was
no way off a moving bus. Later, we were told we were
going to Fort Smith, Arkansas, even farther away. We
demanded to be let off. The cop told us that we would
stop to eat in Shreveport, Louisiana and we could get
off there. Of course the bus didn't stop. It did stop
just across the Texas border, where a group of people
had voluntarily set up tables to distribute food and
help to the refugees.
We grabbed our bags and decided to find a ride into
Shreveport. There was no good reason for us to go to
Fort Smith. Ernesto found a volunteer to take us to a
motel by the airport. Our first priority was to bathe
by this point. An airplane was next. Of course no motels
were available. So we decided to spend the night at the
airport. Another man offered to take us. As we were getting
in his car, he also offered us a shower at his house.
We took him up on it and headed off. We showered, chatted,
etc. I made plane reservations for 7 am the next morning.
They invited us to stay and sleep for the hour and a
half that remained of the night. They gave us food and
little presents, a tee-shirt from their local high school
baseball team, etc. They were kind, concerned, and really
wanted to help and do the right thing. As we talked it
was also clear that they were religious conservatives,
racist, homophobic, etc. East Texas ... kindness and
hatefulness on the same plate.
Anyway, we're home. We're still angry
and anxious. Writing all this makes me relive it. Reading
it makes Bruni cry. What we saw was just too raw. Poor
people abandoned because they were poor. Poor people
treated as trash. Poor people being branded as looters
and thieves for trying to survive. Our own country treating
us just as we treat the Iraqis, Palestinians, and every
other country that we exploit or invade. How can we ever
deny class warfare?
The other thing that struck me were
the contradictions in people ... how the kindest people
in our group who gave aid and compassion individually
to blacks and whites, rich and poor, also painted all
those people at the Convention Center with the same brush
-- animals, looters, ignorants.
And it is no wonder when all the papers
write and all the news reports is looting and violence
-- as if there was no need or reason to "loot".
Sure, there were some violent people there. There are
everywhere. But this handful gets turned into "those
people", and everyone gets branded. So no compassion
is needed for the poor. After all, "they brought
it on themselves ... they wouldn't let the government
help, even though the government tried so hard".
And that becomes what this country believes. And then
of course the government can "morally"
do nothing for the poor -- which is what it intended
in the first place.
That's all I have for now. After you read this, give
me a call and we can talk.
Love,
Peter |
What actually happened
in New Orleans these past two weeks? We need to sort
through the rumors and distortions. Perhaps we need our
version of South Africa's Truth And Reconciliation Commission.
Some way to sort through the many narratives and find
a truth, and to find justice.
I spent yesterday inside the city
of New Orleans, speaking to a few of the last holdouts
in the 9th ward/ bywater neighborhood. Their stories
paint a very different picture from what we've heard
in the media. Instead of stories of gangs of criminals
and police and soldiers keeping order, there were stories
of collective action, everyone looking out for each
other, communal responses.
The first few nights there was a large,
free community barbecue at a neighborhood bar called
The Country Club. People brought food and cooked and
cooked and drank and went swimming (yes, there's a pool
in the bar).
Emily Harris and Richie Kay, from Desire Street, traveled
out on their boat and brought supplies and gave rides.
They have been doing this almost every day since the
hurricane struck. They estimate that they have rescued
at least a hundred people. Emily doesn't want to leave.
She is a carpenter and builder, and says, "I want
to stay and rebuild. I love New Orleans"
Emily describes a community working together in the
first days after the hurricane. She also describes a
scene of abandonment and disappointment.
"A lot of people came to the high ground at St.
Claude Avenue. They really thought someone would come
and rescue them, and they waited all day for something
- a boat, a helicopter, anything. There were helicopters
in the sky, but none coming down"
So people started walking as a mass uptown to Canal
Street. Along the way, youths would break into grocery
stores, take the food and distribute it evenly among
houses in the community.
"Then they reached Canal Street, and saw that there
was still no one that wanted to rescue them. That's when
people broke into the stores on Canal Street"
I asked Okra, in his house off of Piety
Street, what the biggest problem has been. He said, "It's
been the police - they've lost the last restraints on
their behavior they had, and gotten a license to go wild.
They can do anything they want. I saw one cop beat a
guy so hard that he almost took his ear off. And this
was someone just trying to walk home"
Walking through the streets, I witnessed hundreds of
soldiers patrolling the streets. Everyone I spoke to
said that soldiers were coming to their house at least
once a day, trying to convince them to leave, bringing
stories of disease and quarantine and violence. I didn't
see or speak to any soldiers involved in any clean up
or rebuilding.
There are surely reasons to leave - I would not be living
in the city at this point. I'm too attached to electricity
and phone lines. But I can attest that those holdouts
I spoke to are doing fine. They have enough food and
water and have been very careful to avoid exposing themselves
to the many health risks in the city.
I saw more city busses rolling through poor areas of
town than I ever saw pre-hurricane. Unfortunately, these
buses were filled with patrols of soldiers. What if the
massive effort placed into patrolling this city and chasing
everyone out were placed into beginning the rebuilding
process?
Some neighborhoods are underwater still, and the water
has turned into a sticky sludge of sewage and death that
turns the stomach and breaks my heart. However, some
neighborhoods are barely damaged at all, and if a large-scale
effort were put into bringing back electricity and clearing
the streets of debris, people could begin to move back
in now.
Certainly some people do not want to move back, but
many of us do. We want to rebuild our city that we love.
The People's Hurricane Fund - a grassroots, community
based group made up of New Orleans community organizers
and allies from around the US - has already made one
of their first demands a "right of return for the
displaced of New Orleans.
In the last week, I've traveled between Houston, Baton
Rouge, Covington, Jackson and New Orleans and spoken
to many of my former friends and neighbors. We feel shell
shocked. It used to be we would see each other in a coffee
shop or a bar or on the street and talk and find out
what we're doing. Those of us who were working for social
justice felt a community. We could share stories, combine
efforts, and we never felt alone. Now we're alone and
dispersed and we miss our homes and our communities and
we still don't know where so many of our loved ones even
are.
It may be months before we start to get a clear picture
of what happened in New Orleans. As people are dispersed
around the US reconstructing that story becomes even
harder than reconstructing the city. Certain
sites, like the Convention Center and Superdome, have
become legendary, but despite the thousands of people
who were there, it still is hard to find out exactly
what did happen.
According to a report that's been circulated,
Denise Young, one of those trapped in the convention
center told family members,
"yes, there were young men with guns there, but
they organized the crowd. They went to Canal Street and
looted,' and brought back food and water for the old
people and the babies, because nobody had eaten in days.
When the police rolled down windows and yelled out the
buses are coming,' the young men with guns organized
the crowd in order: old people in front, women and children
next, men in the back,just so that when the buses came,
there would be priorities of who got out first" But
the buses never came. "Lots of people being dropped
off, nobody being picked up. Cops passing by, speeding
off. We thought we were being left to die"
Larry Bradshaw and Lorrie Beth Slonsky, paramedics from
Service Employees International Union Local 790 reported
on their experience downtown, after leaving a hotel they
were staying at for a convention. "We walked to
the police command center at Harrah's on Canal Street
and were told ...that we were on our own, and no they
did not have water to give us. We now numbered several
hundred. We held a mass meeting to decide a course of
action. We agreed to camp outside the police command
post. We would be plainly visible to the media and would
constitute a highly visible embarrassment to the City
officials. The police told us that we could not stay.
Regardless, we began to settle in and set up camp. In
short order, the police commander came across the street
to address our group. He told us he had a solution: we
should walk to the Pontchartrain Expressway and cross
the greater New Orleans Bridge where the police had buses
lined up to take us out of the City...
"We organized ourselves and the 200 of us set off
for the bridge with great excitement and hope. ...As
we approached the bridge, armed Gretna sheriffs formed
a line across the foot of the bridge. Before we were
close enough to speak, they began firing their weapons
over our heads. This sent the crowd fleeing in various
directions...
"Our small group retreated back down Highway 90
to seek shelter from the rain under an overpass. We debated
our options and in the end decided to build an encampment
in the middle of the Ponchartrain Expressway on the center
divide, between the O'Keefe and Tchoupitoulas exits.
We reasoned we would be visible to everyone, we would
have some security being on an elevated freeway and we
could wait and watch for the arrival of the yet to be
seen buses.
"All day long, we saw other families, individuals
and groups make the same trip up the incline in an attempt
to cross the bridge, only to be turned away. Some chased
away with gunfire, others simply told no, others to be
verbally berated and humiliated. Thousands of New Orleanians
were prevented and prohibited from self-evacuating the
City on foot. Meanwhile, the only two City shelters sank
further into squalor and disrepair. The only way across
the bridge was by vehicle. We saw workers stealing trucks,
buses, moving vans, semi-trucks and any car that could
be hot wired. All were packed with people trying to escape
the misery New Orleans had become"
Media reports of armed gangs focused
on black youth, but New Orleans community activist, Black
Panther, and former Green Party candidate for City Council
Malik Rahim reported from the West Bank of New Orleans, "There
are gangs of white vigilantes near here riding around
in pickup trucks, all of them armed" I also heard
similar reports from two of my neighbors - a white gay
couple - who i visited on Esplanade Avenue.
The reconstruction of New Orleans starts now. We need
to reconstruct the truth, we need to reconstruct families,
who are still separated, we need to reconstruct the lives
and community of the people of New Orleans, and, finally,
we need to reconstruct the city.
Since I moved to New Orleans, I've been inspired and
educated by the grassroots community organizing that
is an integral part of the life of the city. It is this
community infrastructure that is needed to step forward
and fight for restructuring with justice.
In 1970, when hundreds of New Orleans police came to
kick the Black Panthers out of the Desire Housing Projects,
the entire community stood between the police and the
Panthers, and the police were forced to retreat.
The grassroots infrastructure of New Orleans is the
infrastructure of secondlines and Black Mardi Gras: true
community support. The Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs
organize New Orleans' legendary secondline parades -
roving street parties that happen almost every weekend.
These societies were formed to provide insurance to the
Black community because Black people could not buy insurance
legally, and to this day the "social aid is as important
as the pleasure.
The only way that New Orleans will be
reconstructed as even a shadow of its former self is
if the people of New Orleans have direct control over
that reconstruction. But, our community dislocation is
only increasing. Every day, we are spread out further.
People leave Houston for Oregon and Chicago. We are losing
contact with each other, losing our community that has
nurtured us.
Already, the usual forces of corporate restructuring
are lining up. Halliburton's Kellogg Brown & Root
subsidiary has begun work on a $500 million US Navy contract
for emergency repairs at Gulf Coast naval and marine
facilities damaged by Hurricane Katrina. Blackwell Security
- the folks that brought you Abu Ghraib - are patrolling
the streets of our city.
The Wall Street Journal reported
that the rich white elite is already planning their
vision of New Orleans' reconstruction, from the super-rich
gated compounds of Audubon Place Uptown, where they
have set up a heliport and brought in a heavily-armed
Israeli security company. "The
new city must be something very different, one of these
city leaders was quoted as saying, "with better
services and fewer poor people. Those who want to see
this city rebuilt want to see it done in a completely
different way: demographically, geographically and
politically"
While the world's attention is focused on New Orleans,
in a time when its clear to most of the world that the
federal government's greed and heartlessness has caused
this tragedy, we have an opportunity to make a case for
a people's restructuring, rather than a Halliburton restructuring.
The people of New Orleans have the
will. Today, I met up with Andrea Garland, a community
activist with Get Your Act On who is planning a bold
direct action; she and several of her friends are moving
back in to their homes. They have generators and supplies,
and they invite anyone who is willing to fight for New
Orleans to move back in with them. Malik Rahim, in New
Orleans' West Bank, is refusing to leave and is inviting
others to join him. Community organizer Shana Sassoon,
exiled in Houston, is planning a community mapping project
to map out where our diaspora is being sent, to aid in
our coming back together. Abram Himmelstein and Rachel
Breulin of The Neighborhood Story Project are beginning
the long task of documenting oral histories of our exile.
Please join us in this fight. This is not just about
New Orleans. This is about community and collaboration
versus corporate profiteering. The struggle for New Orleans
lives on.
Jordan Flaherty is a union organizer and an editor of
Left Turn Magazine (www.leftturn.org). He is not planning
on moving out of New Orleans. He can be reached at: anticapitalist@hotmail.com |
Editor's Note: A Bay
Area man goes to New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina
and finds a war zone of floating bodies, armed and angry
survivors and threatening policemen.
I just returned this past weekend from my first trip
to Louisiana since Katrina. It's beyond what you can
imagine -- it's hell on Earth.
I flew into Baton Rouge, which sits about 80 miles northwest
of New Orleans, and the city is destroyed, but not by
the storm. There are hundreds of thousands of refugees
from New Orleans in Baton Rouge. People are camping on
the side of the roads, in their cars if they have them,
and all over the LSU campus. The first thing you notice
is how outraged everyone is.
The people of Baton Rouge don't want us here, and you
can't blame them. There seems to be no plan for the New
Orleaneans once they are dropped off in Baton Rouge,
and locals are confused, horrified or worse. They know
this is potentially a permanent situation, or at least
the way it will be for the next several months. It's
safe to say they're as scared as the homeless and exhausted
refugees that litter their streets.
We rented four houses in Houma, La., which is about
50 miles south of Baton Rouge or about 30 miles west
of New Orleans. We spent the weekend moving our family
there, then our friends, and then people we met who had
no other options. When I left, we had perhaps 40 people
and another 20 on the way. It's an amazing thing to see
-- your best friends, family and everyone in between
huddled on floorboards, makeshift beds and sleeping bags.
It's truly like a nuclear bomb hit our city, and we are
doing everything we can just to keep everyone housed,
fed and with clean water.
I decide to go into New Orleans as there are far too
many people from our home unaccounted for. It's Saturday,
September 3.
There is no way to get into the city. The roads that
are open are being used to bring people out, and no traffic
is headed in. I drive a rental car 30 miles on backroads
that I guess won't be flooded. I make it about half way
until can no longer get into the city by car. With a
backpack loaded with as much water as I can carry, two
packs of breakfast bars, three canisters of bug spray,
and an extra pair of shoes, I start walking.
First, there's the climate. It's almost 90 degrees,
and the humidity and the still water have made the swamp
come alive with bugs. The mosquito swarms and other bugs
make sound like a blizzard. I have to wear long-sleeve
shirts and pants, and I'm drenched with sweat.
The first group of people I meet are very friendly.
I trade my ipod for a kid's dirt bike so I can make better
time, and they give me extra water. They try to warn
me it isn't safe to head into the city. They warn me
about what neighborhoods to avoid, and that above everything
else, it was critical to stay away from the police. They'll
force you to leave by putting you on a bus destined for
who knows where, and if you resist, they'll arrest you.
It's the first time I sense that the police and government
are seen as enemies by Katrina survivors. At first, I
simply consider that shortsighted, but over the next
two days, I start to understand why they think that way.
I get to the outskirts of the city by about 2 p.m. --
an upscale neighborhood called Metaire, where most of
the money of New Orleans lives. To get that far already
involved about half a mile of swimming. Everything is
destroyed. The area isn't just underwater, it's more
that the swamps have risen over New Orleans. There are
snakes and alligators everywhere, and the more you see,
the more you realize the city isn't going to be livable
for who knows how long.
Then there are the bodies. I first start seeing them
as I cross from Metaire into what is called Midcity,
the neighborhood you drive through to get to Jazz Fest
and the fairgrounds. Until now, I've only seen a few
dead bodies in my entire life. Some have been pushed
against dry spots by, I presume, rescue workers. Others
are just floating in the water. There are houses with
red marks on them, meaning there's someone dead inside.
The most horrifying part of all is what happens when
a body is floating in the water for two or three days.
It's barely recognizable as a person. When you see one,
it's riddled with mosquitoes and who knows what else.
The city is not at all empty as the news says it is.
I find hundreds if not thousands of people in all the
different neighborhoods, and they have no intention of
leaving. First and foremost, they have nowhere to go.
Many people don't want to leave. They don't trust they'll
ever be let back in, and they certainly aren't going
to allow their homes to be pillaged by people crafty
enough not to get kicked out. Finally, they just don't
believe the argument that the city will be unsafe and
infested with disease.
They're armed and angry. They have already survived
five straight days of no food and no water, and they
don't believe those who haven't gotten them food or water
are going to find a place for them to live.
I grew up in the 9th Ward, one of the lowest income
areas in the city and the site of the first levee break.
To get to my childhood home, I would have to dive underwater
just to get to the roof. I go to the second house we
lived in. Its roof has been torn off and there's a body
floating not 50 feet away from the front porch. I wish
I can say my friends' houses fared better. Most were
either completely submerged in 10 to 15 feet of water
or just not standing anymore. I find three people I know,
and they set off for Houma that afternoon.
People are furious. They feel they've been abandoned.
You have to understand, there's no power anywhere. The
rescue crews are going through New Orleans proper but
not all the neighborhoods where people live. Most people
don't even think there's a rescue effort underway at
all. It becomes clear to me the one thing people need
is communication; without it fear takes over. There's
nothing more important to restoring order than giving
the leaders an ability to get messages to everyone.
I know everyone has heard about people firing on helicopters.
I'm certainly not saying it is right, but after being
there, I understand. For five days, helicopters are flying
overhead, but none of them are dropping water or food
down for anyone. They fly by using load speakers saying
that anyone found looting or stealing will be arrested,
and those are the helicopters that are followed by gunshots,
from what I see.
The only government group anyone has seen are the police
with sawed-off shotguns threatening to arrest everyone
who is walking around on the streets.
Everyone is fearful for his future, and fear leads people
to do amazing, extraordinary things. It's a state of
war. People don't even know who they're fighting, but
they know they're at war. Twice, I bike away at full
speed from people that come at me. Before I leave the
city, my cash, backpack loaded with food and change of
clothes and my camera are stolen. The final time, two
people robbed me of my water. They didn't even ask for
cash or my watch, just my water. It is desperation, and
the last thing I could ever feel is anger.
I'll never forget this weekend. I'll probably spend
years wishing I could. You just can't describe what it's
like to see the hometown that you love, that's a part
of everything you are, littered with floating dead bodies,
and to see "your people" firing guns at strangers
and hating everyone and everything. It's one of the worst
things I've ever felt or seen. It's a war being fought
against no one. |
911 Who Done It? will
take some time--not much, but some. Like the Triangle
Shirt Factory fire, you have to look beyond the immediate
proprietors to the insurers: Larry Silverstien, Allainzz
(and 9 others) Insurance Co, NY Port Authority. But today
no one even half a tic more reflective than 'two-gun'
Pat Robertson honestly considers the attacks of 911 on
NYC and DC to be the work of artisanal Arab Terrorists:
they talk about them the way they talk about the fairies
at the bottoms of their gardens. Vis à vis the
WTC, the world 'collapse' has seemingly been replaced
with 'Demolition'; and that 16' entry hole and 100m tunnel
through 6 steel reinforced concrete wall of the Pentagon
has long since replaced the AA 77 Boeing with a bunker
buster Boeing missile--except, strangely enough, by those
who seem dependant for support on some sort of rich nationalist
business types' or Israeli military intelligence stipends.
Remember how Emperor's Clothes stopped its 911 investigation
so quickly, it had to have its imperialist jock tweezed
outta its sigmoid colon?--mc
But here are 29 questions to kick-off CM/P's 911 Who
Done iIt? Series. Katryna Who Done It? will follow.
The World Trade Center Demolition and the So-Called
War on Terrorism
Questions About the Events of September 11th
[As Gore Vidal has recently stated (The Enemy Within), "Apparently
'conspiracy stuff' is now shorthand for unspeakable truth."]
1 In view of the $30 billion
given annually to the FBI, the CIA and other U.S. "intelligence" agencies,
why were these agencies completely unaware (or so they
say) of this conspiracy before they saw its results on
CNN? And why has this (apparent) incompetence been rewarded
with yet more billions?
2 The four AA and UA jets
took off with an average occupancy rate of 27%. That
four airliners from major airlines leaving from the East
Coast around 9 a.m. on a weekday for the West Coast would
all have such low occupancy rates is highly unlikely.
Was the booking system tampered with in order to ensure
such low occupancy rates (so that the passengers from
all four planes could eventually be loaded onto UA Flight
93 for elimination)?
3 Why would hijackers
intending to crash planes into the WTC hijack jets taking
off from Boston rather than from someplace closer such
as JFK Airport in New York?
4 Why would hijackers
intending to crash a plane into the Pentagon hijack a
jet from Dulles Airport near Washington DC (and thus
close to the Pentagon) and allow it to fly for 40 minutes
away from its target before turning around and flying
another 40 minutes back to it (knowing that interception
by military jets during this time would in normal circumstances
have been very likely)?
5 AA Flight 77 (the jet
which allegedly crashed into the Pentagon) was allegedly
hijacked at about 9 a.m., at about the same time as the
Twin Tower impacts, and its change of course back toward
Washington, or its transponder having been turned off,
would have been known to flight controllers, who were
aware of the impacts; why, then, were U.S. Air Force
jets not scrambled to intercept AA Flight 77 forty minutes
before it (allegedly) hit the Pentagon, when there were
U.S. Air Force jets at seven locations normally ready
to take off at ten minutes' notice?
6 Why are the FAA, the
FBI, the CIA and the NSA refusing to release any transcripts
of communications from the four doomed Boeings on September
11th or any records at all relating to signals of any
form transmitted by those jets?
7 Where are the black
boxes (the flight data recorders and the cockpit voice
recorders) from all four jets? These black boxes are
designed to survive any crash. Have they been examined
by experts from the National Transportation Safety Board,
the agency which normally investigates airplane crashes?
If not, why not?
8 In particular, what
is on the FDR and the CVR from UA Flight 93, the jet
which crashed in Pennsylvania? Why, exactly, did this
jet crash? Was it shot down?
9 Were the conversations
between the pilots of the other three hijacked planes
and air traffic controllers recorded? If so, what did
those pilots say? Were those recordings siezed by the
FBI? Were (alleged) transcripts given by the FBI to the
mainstream media? Were those transcripts fabricated to
provide false evidence in support of the "Arab hijackers" story?
10 Does the Fireman's
Video show that the plane which hit the North Tower did
not have engines attached to the wings and thus was not
a Boeing 767? Does it reveal that missiles were fired
from this plane just before it hit?
11 Since no public TV
cameras were trained on the North Tower at the time of
impact, what was the source of the transmission of the
North Tower impact which George W. Bush says he saw before
he went into the classroom in Florida? Why did he do
nothing (except continue listening to a little girl's
story about a goat) for half an hour after he was informed
that the second jet hit the South Tower (and that America
was "under attack")? Did Bush have prior knowledge
of the WTC attack?
12 Considering that all
persons on board all four planes died, how did the FBI
come up so quickly with a list of names of the alleged
nineteen Arab hijackers — including aliases used
by fourteen of them, in some cases seven aliases (see
the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, 2001-09-27)? Why were
there no Arab names on the passenger lists at all? Did
the FBI prepare in advance a list of the names (and aliases)
of the (alleged) "Arab hijackers" on those
flights?
13 Why did the South Tower
collapse first, 56 minutes after it was hit, rather than
the North Tower (which was hit first and collapsed 1
hour and 44 minutes after being hit), even though the
fire in the North Tower (the alleged cause of the collapse)
was more intense?
14 If the outer perimeter
walls of the Twin Towers were connected to the central
cores only by lightweight trusses, how was wind load
on the towers transmitted to the central core (as it
must have been because the floors did not buckle in a
strong wind)?
15 What exactly was the
nature of the structural connections between the outer
perimeter wall and the central core of the two towers?
Is it not false that this consisted only of lightweight
flimsy trusses? Is it not the case that the connection
was actually made with 32,000 tons of steel beams?
16 Why are the architect's
plans of the Twin Towers not publicly available?
17 Would jet fuel burning
in an enclosed space (with little oxygen available for
combustion) actually produce temperatures high enough
(1538°C, i.e. 2800°F) to melt massive steel beams
(and all the steel beams, since steel conducts heat efficiently)
enclosed in concrete in just 56 minutes? If so, wouldn't
the Twin Towers have buckled and bent, and toppled over
onto the surrounding buildings in the Lower Manhattan
financial district, rather than collapsing neatly upon
themselves in the manner of a controlled demolition?
18 Were the Twin Towers
re-engineered in the mid-1990s to make possible a collapse-on-demand
if that were judged necessary? Was FEMA aware of this?
Do blueprints of the Twin Towers in the possession of
the past owners reveal any evidence of this?
19 Why were such huge
quantities of ash and dust produced? How could fire convert
concrete into dust? Has the ash been chemically analysed
to determine what it really is and how it might have
been produced?
20 Were any tests done
on the debris for the presence of radioactivity?
21 Is it not the case
that the Twin Towers collapsed, not because of airliner
impacts and fires, but because they were expertly demolished
(even though we do not yet know exactly how this was
accomplished)?
22 Who stood to benefit
from the complete destruction of the Twin Towers?
23 What was the actual
size of the entrance hole made by the object which hit
the Pentagon? Is it not the case that photographic evidence
reveals that it was in fact at most just a few meters
in diameter, much too small to have been made by a Boeing
757 jet, but just the right size for a missile?
24 Why were no aircraft
fragments, identifiable as coming from a Boeing 757,
recovered from the Pentagon crash site?
25 Why were no remains
of the approximately sixty passengers and crew on the
jet which allegedly hit the Pentagon returned to relatives
for burial?
26 Why was the debris
from the collapsed Twin Towers removed from the site
with no forensic examination? Why was almost all of it
sold to scrap merchants and shipped abroad where it would
not be available for scientific examination?
27 In September 2001 the
Securities and Exchange Commission initiated an inquiry
to establish who benefited from the unusually high numbers
of put options purchased prior to September 11 for shares
in companies whose stock prices subsequently plummeted,
on the supposition that whoever was behind the hijacking
was also behind most of the purchases of these put options.
Why has this inquiry stalled? Why have those who benefited
from the purchases of these put options not been identified
(or at least, not publicly)?
28 Is it not the case
that this atrocity was planned and carried out by elements
at high levels of command in the U.S. Air Force, the
CIA, the Justice Department and FEMA (possibly with the
involvement of well-placed civilians outside the government),
acting under orders from, or with the approval of, high
officials within the U.S. Administration, and that those
same elements are now directing a propaganda campaign
against the American people to justify a war of aggression
in Asia and the Middle East aimed at controlling the
oil and mineral wealth of those regions?
29 Why has the U.S. mainstream
media ignored questions like these for over three years?
Why are they complicit in the cover-up? |
America's
fundamentalist carnival includes many fascinating acts.
Pay your money, and you can watch preachers weeping and
screaming, dismissing whole segments of humanity as evil,
threatening murder, shaking down congregations for extra
donations to named-after-themselves projects, or hitting
people in the head to heal cancer. You will also see
some monsters finally caught after years of molesting
children or hear others advocating crimes against humanity
such as using nuclear weapons.
Pat Robertson is one of the Christian Sideshow's longer-running
acts, periodically adding some new nightmare to his
grim repertoire. Oddly, Pat regards himself as a kind
statesman-preacher, a latter-day boondocks version
of Talleyrand, Talleyrand having started his remarkable
and utterly unprincipled career as a Bishop. Pat regularly
mixes the tax-free benefits of religion with the promotion
of nasty politics. He has run for President, started
quasi-religious organizations to promote his political
ambitions, and freely offers his uninformed advice
on national and world affairs.
Talleyrand had his various church properties and offices
to support him in princely fashion while he worked at
politics. Pat supports his public-minded work on resources
gathered through one of America's greatest money-changer-in-the-temple
careers. The fortune generated through decades of his
appeals to unhappy, lonely people watching television
gives him access to a genuine commercial empire, from
so-called Christian broadcasting to oil refining.
A key difference between Talleyrand and Pat is that
Talleyrand was frightfully clever and was a breathtaking
success at politics. I put the difference, in part, down
to style. Talleyrand in person might remind one of the
late Archbishop Sheen, snapping and twirling his scarlet
cape and watching his listeners with penetrating eyes
- to all that would added something of Lord Byron's fascinating
stench of corruption. Robertson has never quite escaped
the Jesus-on-the-dashboard flavor of his early career.
Pat is pure Super Duper Auto Parts, Aisle Six, smiling
salesman for mud flaps and sequined sets of big dice,
but with enough animal cunning to have risen to running
every Aisle Six on the continent.
Pat recently announced on national television that America
should murder the elected leader of another country,
President Chavez of Venezuela. Previously Pat restricted
himself to insulting the religion of a billion people,
Islam, or insulting the victims of natural disasters
in the United States. After a hurricane in which old
men, women, and children died, Pat blamed the victims
for their fate by claiming God was punishing America's
immorality. His latest effort breaks new ground, being,
by any meaningful definition, public advocacy of terror.
Why won't Pat Robertson be treated
as a terrorist? Believe me, if you said what he said
about any of America's current leaders, you would be
arrested quickly under the Patriot Act and locked away.
Why will Pat Robertson's broadcasting empire not be classified
as an organization supporting terrorist activities? Perfectly
legitimate organizations in other parts of the world
have been declared outlaw in the United States for having
less direct association with terrorist hate-speech. Several
bloodthirsty-sounding Muslim clerics, completely unrepresentative
of their faith, have been jailed recently for speech
closely resembling Robertson's.
At the very least, Robertson should be charged under
hate-speech laws. But such laws are weak in the United
States, and many Americans fear the idea of hate-speech
laws. So radio and television broadcasters continue spewing
hate and dishonest claims in the exalted name of free
speech.
We really do know why Pat Robertson won't be treated
as a terrorist. It's for the same reason Bush's former
Attorney General of the United States could tell a group
of decent, honest, hard-working American Muslims that
they should count themselves lucky they weren't being
treated the way Japanese Americans were during World
War II. It's for the same reason that Bush protects a
mass murderer named Luis Posada Carriles from extradition
and trial. It's for the same reason that American troops
have made a horror of the lives of millions of innocent
Iraqis. It's for the same reason a distraught mother
who lost her son in Iraq is vilified by Right Wing savages.
It's the same reason why the morally-contemptible Bush
is President.
The reason is the worship of power
and greed. While it's true that a great deal of America's
history has to do with worshipping power and greed, never
in my memory has it been so openly expressed, so contemptuously
embraced as it is today. It is a sad to reflect in my
twilight years that almost everything I was taught as
a boy has proved to be wrong. I don't mean subjects like
math or English. I mean values. Most of the evidence
of my adult life tends to support the opposite of every
moral lesson of my youth, certainly as they apply to
the land of my birth, a place where power and greed now
trump everything.
I was taught murder always is wrong.
I was taught lying always is wrong. I was taught that
lusting after money and power is wrong. I was taught
that good men prevailed and evil men sooner or later
paid for their acts. These lessons came from a ferociously-honest
and brave mother who alone raised two boys on the South
Side of Chicago. They came also from the church I attended.
And they came from some wonderful books and stories I
read.
The success of vicious Pat Robertson and his even more
vicious President, George Bush, provide almost perfect
allegories for the soul-dead thing America has become.
Religion, politics, journalism,
and even academics serve the American worship of power
and greed. I had a brief exchange recently with
an exalted fellow from one of America's many well-financed
propaganda mills tarted up to resemble research organizations.
This exalted fellow had been on a national radio interview,
interestingly enough on the same subject of Venezuela.
Apart from inaccurate claims about a new broadcast
network established in Venezuela while he made a case
for American interference, when reminded that Mr. Chavez
was democratically elected, he chimed in with, "So
was Hitler!"
Hitler, despite huge expenditures and
desperately hard campaigns, never received more than
just over a third of votes. He was appointed Chancellor,
after a long series of backroom manipulations, by the
Republic's ancient and exhausted President von Hindenburg.
Hitler's rise more closely resembles that of some of
America's favorite shady men in Iraq and Pakistan than
it does that of a man whose election was closely scrutinized
and declared fair by international watchers.
I couldn't let such an inaccurate claim stand and looked
up his outfit on the Internet. There, on a page resembling
something from a university or research center, was a
large quote from Rush Limbaugh about the tremendous job
they were doing. What kind of a research institution
quotes Rush Limbaugh? There were also, importantly, links
for bequests and gifts. And there was an e-mail link
to the man on the Venezuela case.
My particular exalted fellow answered at length, accepting
the truth of my correction, but making a mighty effort
to turn someone's getting one-third of the vote into
a de facto election. There were paragraphs of labored
reasoning larded with unnecessary facts, perhaps from
a history text quickly consulted before replying. He
missed the point entirely of respecting a genuinely democratic
decision. Here is the kind of analysis being touted across
America in an effort to influence the world. And these
people do influence the world. The same people helped
bring you the murderous disaster in Iraq. |
The destruction
caused by Katrina has enabled us to glimpse realities
that are usually carefully hidden away. And what we
discover is that New Orleans and Baghdad are not so
far apart.
When I lived in the United States in the late 1960s,
my home was often New Orleans, in a friend's rambling
grey clapboard house that stood in a section of the
city where civil rights campaigners had taken refuge
from the violence of the Deep South. New Orleans was
said to be cosmopolitan; it was also sinister and murderous.
We were protected by the then district attorney, Jim
Garrison, a liberal maverick whose investigations into
the assassination of John Kennedy were to make powerful
enemies behind "the Facade".
The Facade was how we described the
dividing line between the America of real life - of a
poverty so profound that slavery was still a presence
and of a rapacious state power that waged war against
its own citizens, just as it did against black and brown-skinned
people in faraway countries - and the America that spawned
the greed of corporatism and invented public relations
as a means of social control ("The American Dream" and "The
American Way of Life" began as advertising slogans).
The wilful neglect by the Bush
regime before and after Hurricane Katrina offered a
rare glimpse behind the Facade. The
poor were no longer invisible. The bodies floating
in contaminated water, the survivors threatened with
police shotguns, the distinct obesity of American poverty -
all of it mocked the forests of advertising billboards,
relentless television commercials and news soundbites
(average length 9.9 seconds) that glorify the "dream" of
wealth and power. Reality, a word long expropriated
and debased, found its true meaning, if briefly.
As if by accident, the US media, which
are the legitimising arm of corporate public relations,
reported the truth. For a few days, a select group of
liberal newspaper readers were told that poverty had
risen an amazing 17 per cent under George W Bush; that
an African American child born within a mile of the White
House had less chance of surviving its first year than
a baby in urban India. That the United States now ranked
43rd in the world for infant mortality, 84th for measles
immunisation and 89th for polio. That the world's largest
public oil company, ExxonMobil, would make $30bn in profits
this year, having received a huge slice of the $14.5bn
in "tax breaks" that Bush's new energy bill
guarantees his elite cronies.
In his two elections, Bush has received most of his "corporate
contributions"
- the euphemism for bribes totalling $61.5m - from oil
and gas companies. The bloody conquest of Iraq, the world's
second-biggest source of oil, will be their prize, their
loot.
Iraq and New Orleans are not far apart. On 13 April
2003, Matt Frei, the BBC's Washington correspondent,
reported the bloodbath of the US invasion with these
words: "There's no doubt that the desire to bring
good, to bring American values to the rest of the world,
and especially now to the Middle East . . . is increasingly
tied up with military power."
Frei's apologies for the Bush regime from in front of
the White House, and specifically for the architect of
the slaughter in Iraq, Paul Wolfowitz, were consistent
with his reporting from New Orleans, which was vivid.
On 5 September, he described battle-ready troops of the
82nd Airborne trudging through the streets of New Orleans
as the "heroes of Tikrit". Most of the killing
in Tikrit and elsewhere in Iraq has been done not by "insurgents" but
by such "heroes" - a fact almost never allowed
in the "coverage", whether it is on Fox or
the BBC. Shaking his head in New Orleans, Frei wondered
why Bush had done so little. Reality's intrusion was
complete.
Before the moment passes, and Bush's
atrocities and lies in Iraq are again allowed to proceed,
it is worth connecting his disregard for the suffering
in New Orleans with other truths behind the Facade. The
unchanging nature of the 500-year western imperial crusade
is exemplified in the unreported suffering of people
all over the world, declared enemies in their own homes.
The people of Tal Afar, a northern Iraqi town now in
the news as "an insurgent stronghold" - that
is, those who refused to be expelled from their homes
- are being bombed and shelled and strafed, just as the
people of Fallujah were, and the people of Najaf, and
the people of Hongai, a "stronghold" in Vietnam,
once the most bombed place on earth, and the people of
Neak Loeung in Cambodia, one of countless towns flattened
by B-52s. The list of such places consigned to notoriety,
then oblivion, is seemingly endless. Why?
The answer largely is that so
much of western scholarship has taken the humanity
out of the study of nations, of people, congealing
it with jargon and reducing it to an esotericism called "international
relations", the grand chess game of western power
which scores nations as useful or not, expendable or
not. (Listen to Jack Straw talk about
"failed nations": the pure invention of Anglo-American
IR zealots.) It is this rampant orthodoxy that determines
how power speaks and how its historians and reporters
report. Such orthodoxy, says Richard Falk, professor
of international relations at Princeton and a distinguished
dissenter, "which is so widely accepted among political
scientists as to be virtually unchallengeable in academic
journals, regards law and morality as irrelevant to the
identification of rational policy". Thus,
western foreign policy is formulated "through a
self-righteous, one-way, moral/legal screen [with] positive
images of western values and innocence portrayed as threatened,
validating a campaign of unrestricted political violence
. . ." This is the filter through which most people
get their serious news. It is the reason why the
most obvious truths, such as the dominance of western
state terrorism over the minuscule Qaeda variety, is
never reported. It is the reason
why America's destruction of 35 democracies in 30 countries
(the historian William Blum's latest count) is unknown
to the American public.
More urgently, it is the reason why the historic implications
of George Bush's and Tony Blair's assaults on our most
basic freedoms, such as habeas corpus, are rarely reported.
On 9 September, an American federal appeals court handed
down a judgment against Jose Padilla, an alleged witness
to an alleged "plot", allowing the US military
to hold him without charge indefinitely. Even though
there is no case against him, the Supreme Court is unlikely
to overturn this travesty, which means the end of the
Bill of Rights and of the "very core of liberty
. . . freedom from indefinite imprisonment at the will
of the executive", as an American jurist once famously
wrote.
This was hardly news in Britain, just as Lord Hoffmann's
remarks passed most of us by. A
law lord, Hoffmann said that Blair's plans to gut our
own basic rights were a greater threat than terrorism. Indefinite
imprisonment for those innocent before the law and the
intimidation of a minority community and of dissenters:
these are the goals of Blair's "necessary measures",
borrowed from Bush. Who challenges him? His Downing Street
press conference is an august sheep pen, the baaing barely
audible. In India the other day, reported the Guardian's
political editor, "Mr Blair stood his ground when
challenged over the Iraq war" - by Indian reporters,
that is. The Guardian described neither these challenges
nor Blair's replies.
Behind the Facade, the destruction
of democracy has been a long-term project. The millions
of poor, like most of the people of New Orleans, have
no place in the US system, which is why they don't
vote. The same is happening under Blair, who
has achieved the lowest voter turnouts since the franchise.
As with Bush, this is not Blair's concern, for his
horizons stretch far. Selling weapons and privatisation
deals to India one day, preparing the ground for attacking
Iran the next. Under Blair, MI6 ran Operation Mass
Appeal, a campaign to plant stories in the media about
Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. Under
Blair, young Pakistanis living in Britain were trained
as jihadi fighters and recruited for the first of his
wars - the dismemberment of Yugoslavia in 1999. According
to the Delhi-based Observer Research Foundation, they
joined this terrorist network "with the full knowledge
and complicity of the British and American intelligence
agencies".
In his classic work The Grand Chessboard,
Zbigniew Brzezinski, the godfather of US policies and
actions in Afghanistan and Iraq, writes that, for America
to dominate the world, it cannot sustain a genuine, popular
democracy, because "the pursuit of power is not
a goal that commands popular passion . . . Democracy
is inimical to imperial mobilisation." He describes
how he secretly persuaded President Carter in 1976 to
bankroll and arm the jihadis in Pakistan and Afghanistan
as a means of ensuring US cold war dominance. When I
asked him in Washington, two years ago, if he regretted
that the consequences were al-Qaeda and the attacks of
11 September 2001, he became very angry and did not reply;
and a crack in the Facade closed. It is time that those
of us paid to keep the record straight tore it down completely. |
The engine of American
foreign policy has been fueled not by a devotion to any
kind of morality, but rather by the necessity to serve
other imperatives, which can be summarized as follows:
* making the world safe for American corporations;
* enhancing the financial statements of defense contractors
at home who have contributed generously to members of
congress;
* preventing the rise of any society that might serve
as a successful example of an alternative to the capitalist
model;
* extending political and economic hegemony over as
wide an area as possible, as befits a "great power."
This in the name of fighting a supposed moral crusade
against what cold warriors convinced themselves, and
the American people, was the existence of an evil International
Communist Conspiracy, which in fact never existed, evil
or not.
The United States carried out extremely serious interventions
into more than 70 nations in this period.
China, 1945-49:
Intervened in a civil war, taking the side of Chiang
Kai-shek against the Communists, even though the latter
had been a much closer ally of the United States in the
world war. The U.S. used defeated Japanese soldiers to
fight for its side. The Communists forced Chiang to flee
to Taiwan in 1949.
Italy, 1947-48:
Using every trick in the book, the U.S. interfered
in the elections to prevent the Communist Party from
coming to power legally and fairly. This perversion of
democracy was done in the name of "saving democracy"
in Italy. The Communists lost. For the next few decades,
the CIA, along with American corporations, continued
to intervene in Italian elections, pouring in hundreds
of millions of dollars and much psychological warfare
to block the specter that was haunting Europe.
Greece, 1947-49:
Intervened in a civil war, taking the side of the neo-fascists
against the Greek left which had fought the Nazis courageously.
The neo-fascists won and instituted a highly brutal regime,
for which the CIA created a new internal security agency,
KYP. Before long, KYP was carrying out all the endearing
practices of secret police everywhere, including systematic
torture.
Philippines, 1945-53:
U.S. military fought against leftist forces (Huks)
even while the Huks were still fighting against the Japanese
invaders. After the war, the U. S. continued its fight
against the Huks, defeating them, and then installing
a series of puppets as president, culminating in the
dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos.
South Korea, 1945-53:
After World War II, the United States suppressed the
popular progressive forces in favor of the conservatives
who had collaborated with the Japanese. This led to a
long era of corrupt, reactionary, and brutal governments.
Albania, 1949-53:
The U.S. and Britain tried unsuccessfully to overthrow
the communist government and install a new one that would
have been pro-Western and composed largely of monarchists
and collaborators with Italian fascists and Nazis.
Germany, 1950s:
The CIA orchestrated a wide-ranging campaign of sabotage,
terrorism, dirty tricks, and psychological warfare against
East Germany. This was one of the factors which led to
the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961.
Iran, 1953:
Prime Minister Mossadegh was overthrown in a joint
U.S./British operation. Mossadegh had been elected to
his position by a large majority of parliament, but he
had made the fateful mistake of spearheading the movement
to nationalize a British-owned oil company, the sole
oil company operating in Iran. The coup restored the
Shah to absolute power and began a period of 25 years
of repression and torture, with the oil industry being
restored to foreign ownership, as follows: Britain and
the U.S., each 40 percent, other nations 20 percent.
Guatemala, 1953-1990s:
A CIA-organized coup overthrew the democratically-elected
and progressive government of Jacobo Arbenz, initiating
40 years of death-squads, torture, disappearances, mass
executions, and unimaginable cruelty, totaling well over
100,000 victims -indisputably one of the most inhuman
chapters of the 20th century. Arbenz had nationalized
the U.S. firm, United Fruit Company, which had extremely
close ties to the American power elite. As justification
for the coup, Washington declared that Guatemala had
been on the verge of a Soviet takeover, when in fact
the Russians had so little interest in the country that
it didn't even maintain diplomatic relations. The real
problem in the eyes of Washington, in addition to United
Fruit, was the danger of Guatemala's social democracy
spreading to other countries in Latin America.
Middle East, 1956-58:
The Eisenhower Doctrine stated that the United States "is
prepared to use armed forces to assist" any Middle
East country "requesting assistance against armed
aggression from any country controlled by international
communism." The English translation of this was
that no one would be allowed to dominate, or have excessive
influence over, the middle east and its oil fields except
the United States, and that anyone who tried would be,
by definition, "Communist." In keeping with
this policy, the United States twice attempted to overthrow
the Syrian government, staged several shows-of-force
in the Mediterranean to intimidate movements opposed
to U.S.-supported governments in Jordan and Lebanon,
landed 14,000 troops in Lebanon, and conspired to overthrow
or assassinate Nasser of Egypt and his troublesome middle-east
nationalism.
Indonesia, 1957-58:
Sukarno, like Nasser, was the kind of Third World leader
the United States could not abide. He took neutralism
in the cold war seriously, making trips to the Soviet
Union and China (though to the White House as well).
He nationalized many private holdings of the Dutch, the
former colonial power. He refused to crack down on the
Indonesian Communist Party, which was walking the legal,
peaceful road and making impressive gains electorally.
Such policies could easily give other Third World leaders "wrong
ideas." The CIA began throwing money into the elections,
plotted Sukarno's assassination, tried to blackmail him
with a phony sex film, and joined forces with dissident
military officers to wage a full-scale war against the
government. Sukarno survived it all.
British Guiana/Guyana, 1953-64:
For 11 years, two of the oldest democracies in the
world, Great Britain and the United States, went to great
lengths to prevent a democratically elected leader from
occupying his office. Cheddi Jagan was another Third
World leader who tried to remain neutral and independent.
He was elected three times. Although a leftist-more so
than Sukarno or Arbenz-his policies in office were not
revolutionary. But he was still a marked man, for he
represented Washington's greatest fear: building a society
that might be a successful example of an alternative
to the capitalist model. Using a wide variety of tactics-from
general strikes and disinformation to terrorism and British
legalisms, the U. S. and Britain finally forced Jagan
out in 1964. John F. Kennedy had given a direct order
for his ouster, as, presumably, had Eisenhower.
One of the better-off countries in the region under
Jagan, Guyana, by the 1980s, was one of the poorest.
Its principal export became people.
Vietnam, 1950-73:
The slippery slope began with siding with ~ French,
the former colonizers and collaborators with the Japanese,
against Ho Chi Minh and his followers who had worked
closely with the Allied war effort and admired all things
American. Ho Chi Minh was, after all, some kind of Communist.
He had written numerous letters to President Truman and
the State Department asking for America's help in winning
Vietnamese independence from the French and finding a
peaceful solution for his country. All his entreaties
were ignored. Ho Chi Minh modeled the new Vietnamese
declaration of independence on the American, beginning
it with "All men are created equal. They are endowed
by their Creator with ..." But this would count
for nothing in Washington. Ho Chi Minh was some kind
of Communist.
Twenty-three years and more than a million dead, later,
the United States withdrew its military forces from Vietnam.
Most people say that the U.S. lost the war. But by destroying
Vietnam to its core, and poisoning the earth and the
gene pool for generations, Washington had achieved its
main purpose: preventing what might have been the rise
of a good development option for Asia. Ho Chi Minh was,
after all, some kind of communist.
Cambodia, 1955-73:
Prince Sihanouk was yet another leader who did not
fancy being an American client. After many years of hostility
towards his regime, including assassination plots and
the infamous Nixon/Kissinger secret "carpet bombings"
of 1969-70, Washington finally overthrew Sihanouk in
a coup in 1970. This was all that was needed to impel
Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge forces to enter the fray.
Five years later, they took power. But five years of
American bombing had caused Cambodia's traditional economy
to vanish. The old Cambodia had been destroyed forever.
Incredibly, the Khmer Rouge were to inflict even greater
misery on this unhappy land. To add to the irony, the
United States supported Pol Pot, militarily and diplomatically,
after their subsequent defeat by the Vietnamese.
The Congo/Zaire, 1960-65:
In June 1960, Patrice Lumumba became the Congo's first
prime minister after independence from Belgium. But Belgium
retained its vast mineral wealth in Katanga province,
prominent Eisenhower administration officials had financial
ties to the same wealth, and Lumumba, at Independence
Day ceremonies before a host of foreign dignitaries,
called for the nation's economic as well as its political
liberation, and recounted a list of injustices against
the natives by the white owners of the country. The man
was obviously a "Communist." The poor man was
obviously doomed.
Eleven days later, Katanga province seceded, in September,
Lumumba was dismissed by the president at the instigation
of the United States, and in January 1961 he was assassinated
at the express request of Dwight Eisenhower. There followed
several years of civil conflict and chaos and the rise
to power of Mobutu Sese Seko, a man not a stranger to
the CIA. Mobutu went on to rule the country for more
than 30 years, with a level of corruption and cruelty
that shocked even his CIA handlers. The Zairian people
lived in abject poverty despite the plentiful natural
wealth, while Mobutu became a multibillionaire.
Brazil, 1961-64:
President Joao Goulart was guilty of the usual crimes:
He took an independent stand in foreign policy, resuming
relations with socialist countries and opposing sanctions
against Cuba; his administration passed a law limiting
the amount of profits multinationals could transmit outside
the country; a subsidiary of ITT was nationalized; he
promoted economic and social reforms. And Attorney-General
Robert Kennedy was uneasy about Goulart allowing "communists" to
hold positions in government agencies. Yet the man was
no radical. He was a millionaire land-owner and a Catholic
who wore a medal of the Virgin around his neck. That,
however, was not enough to save him. In 1964, he was
overthrown in a military coup which had deep, covert
American involvement. The official Washington line was...yes,
it's unfortunate that democracy has been overthrown in
Brazil...but, still, the country has been saved from
communism.
For the next 15 years, all the features of military
dictatorship that Latin America has come to know were
instituted: Congress was shut down, political opposition
was reduced to virtual extinction, habeas corpus for "political
crimes" was suspended, criticism of the president
was forbidden by law, labor unions were taken over by
government interveners, mounting protests were met by
police and military firing into crowds, peasants' homes
were burned down, priests were brutalized...disappearances,
death squads, a remarkable degree and depravity of torture...the
government had a name for its program: the "moral
rehabilitation" of Brazil.
Washington was very pleased. Brazil broke relations
with Cuba and became one of the United States' most reliable
allies in Latin America.
Dominican Republic, 1963-66:
In February 1963, Juan Bosch took office as the first
democratically elected president of the Dominican Republic
since 1924. Here at last was John F. Kennedy's liberal
anti-Communist, to counter the charge that the U.S. supported
only military dictatorships. Bosch's government was to
be the long sought " showcase of democracy " that
would put the lie to Fidel Castro. He was given the grand
treatment in Washington shortly before he took office.
Bosch was true to his beliefs. He called for land reform,
low-rent housing, modest nationalization of business,
and foreign investment provided it was not excessively
exploitative of the country and other policies making
up the program of any liberal Third World leader serious
about social change. He was likewise serious about civil
liberties: Communists, or those labeled as such, were
not to be persecuted unless they actually violated the
law.
A number of American officials and congresspeople expressed
their discomfort with Bosch's plans, as well as his stance
of independence from the United States. Land reform and
nationalization are always touchy issues in Washington,
the stuff that "creeping socialism" is made
of. In several quarters of the U.S. press Bosch was red-baited.
In September, the military boots marched. Bosch was
out. The United States, which could discourage a military
coup in Latin America with a frown, did nothing.
Nineteen months later, a revolt broke out which promised
to put the exiled Bosch back into power. The United States
sent 23,000 troops to help crush it.
Cuba, 1959 to present:
Fidel Castro came to power at the beginning of 1959.
A U.S. National Security Council meeting of March 10,
1959 included on its agenda the feasibility of bringing "another
government to power in Cuba."
There followed 40 years of terrorist attacks, bombings,
full-scale military invasion, sanctions, embargoes, isolation,
assassinations... Cuba had carried out The Unforgivable
Revolution, a very serious threat of setting a "good
example" in Latin America.
The saddest part of this is that the world will never
know what kind of society Cuba could have produced if
left alone, if not constantly under the gun and the threat
of invasion, if allowed to relax its control at home.
The idealism, the vision, the talent were all there.
But we'll never know. And that of course was the idea.
Indonesia, 1965:
A complex series of events, involving a supposed coup
attempt, a counter-coup, and perhaps a counter-counter-coup,
with American fingerprints apparent at various points,
resulted in the ouster from power of Sukarno and his
replacement by a military coup led by General Suharto.
The massacre that began immediately-of Communists, Communist
sympathizers, suspected Communists, suspected Communist
sympathizers, and none of the above-was called by the
New York Times "one of the most savage mass slayings
of modern political history." The estimates of the
number killed in the course of a few years begin at half
a million and go above a million.
It was later learned that the U.S. embassy had compiled
lists of "Communist"
operatives, from top echelons down to village cadres,
as many as 5,000 names, and turned them over to the army,
which then hunted those persons down and killed them.
The Americans would then check off the names of those
who had been killed or captured. "It really was
a big help to the army. They probably killed a lot of
people, and I probably have a lot of blood on my hands," said
one U.S. diplomat. "But that's not all bad. There's
a time when you have to strike hard at a decisive moment. "
Chile, 1964-73:
Salvador Allende was the worst possible scenario for
a Washington imperialist. He could imagine only one thing
worse than a Marxist in power-an elected Marxist in power,
who honored the constitution, and became increasingly
popular. This shook the very foundation stones on which
the anti-Communist tower was built: the doctrine, painstakingly
cultivated for decades, that
"communists" can take power only through force
and deception, that they can retain that power only through
terrorizing and brainwashing the population.
After sabotaging Allende's electoral endeavor in 1964,
and failing to do so in 1970, despite their best efforts,
the CIA and the rest of the American foreign policy machine
left no stone unturned in their attempt to destabilize
the Allende government over the next three years, paying
particular attention to building up military hostility.
Finally, in September 1973, the military overthrew the
government, Allende dying in the process.
They closed the country to the outside world for a
week, while the tanks rolled and the soldiers broke down
doors; the stadiums rang with the sounds of execution
and the bodies piled up along the streets and floated
in the river; the torture centers opened for business;
the subversive books were thrown into bonfires; soldiers
slit the trouser legs of women, shouting that "In
Chile women wear dresses!"; the poor returned to
their natural state; and the men of the world in Washington
and in the halls of international finance opened up their
check- books. In the end, more than 3,000 had been executed,
thousands more tortured or disappeared.
Greece, 1964-74:
The military coup took place in April 1967, just two
days before the campaign for j national elections was
to begin, elections which appeared certain to bring the
veteran liberal leader George Papandreou back as prime
minister. Papandreou had been elected in February 1964
with the only outright majority in the history of modern
Greek elections. The successful machinations to unseat
him had begun immediately, a joint effort of the Royal
Court, the Greek military, and the American military
and CIA stationed in Greece. The 1967 coup was followed
immediately by the traditional martial law, censorship,
arrests, beatings, torture, and killings, the victims
totaling some 8,000 in the first month. This was accompanied
by the equally traditional declaration that this was
all being done to save the nation from a "Communist
takeover." Corrupting and subversive influences
in Greek life were to be removed. Among these were miniskirts,
long hair, and foreign newspapers; church attendance
for the young would be compulsory.
It was torture, however, which most indelibly marked
the seven-year Greek nightmare. James Becket, an American
attorney sent to Greece by Amnesty International, wrote
in December 1969 that "a conservative estimate would
place at not less than two thousand" the number
of people tortured, usually in the most gruesome of ways,
often with equipment supplied by the United States.
Becket reported the following: Hundreds of prisoners
have listened to the little speech given by Inspector
Basil Lambrou, who sits behind his desk which displays
the red, white, and blue clasped-hand symbol of American
aid. He tries to show the prisoner the absolute futility
of resistance:
"You make yourself ridiculous by thinking you can
do anything. The world is divided in two. There are the
communists on that side and on this side the free world.
The Russians and the Americans, no one else. What are
we? Americans. Behind me there is the government, behind
the government is NATO, behind NATO is the U.S. You can't
fight us, we are Americans."
George Papandreou was not any kind of radical. He was
a liberal anti-Communist type. But his son Andreas, the
heir-apparent, while only a little to the left of his
father had not disguised his wish to take Greece out
of the Cold War, and had questioned remaining in NATO,
or at least as a satellite of the United States.
East Timor, 1975 to present:
In December 1975, Indonesia invaded East Timor, which
lies at the eastern end of the Indonesian archipelago,
and which had proclaimed its independence after Portugal
had relinquished control of it. The invasion was launched
the day after U. S. President Gerald Ford and Secretary
of State Henry Kissinger had left Indonesia after giving
Suharto permission to use American arms, which, under
U.S. Iaw, could not be used for aggression. Indonesia
was Washington's most valuable tool in Southeast Asia.
Amnesty International estimated that by 1989, Indonesian
troops, with the aim of forcibly annexing East Timor,
had killed 200,000 people out of a population of between
600,000 and 700,000. The United States consistently supported
Indonesia's claim to East Timor (unlike the UN and the
EU), and downplayed the slaughter to a remarkable degree,
at the same time supplying Indonesia with all the military
hardware and training it needed to carry out the job.
Nicaragua, 1978-89:
When the Sandinistas overthrew the Somoza dictatorship
in 1978, it was clear to Washington that they might well
be that long-dreaded beast-"another Cuba." Under
President Carter, attempts to sabotage the revolution
took diplomatic and economic forms. Under Reagan, violence
was the method of choice. For eight terribly long years,
the people of Nicaragua were under attack by Washington's
proxy army, the Contras, formed from Somoza's vicious
National Guard and other supporters of the dictator.
It was all-out war, aiming to destroy the progressive
social and economic programs of the government, burning
down schools and medical clinics, raping, torturing,
mining harbors, bombing and strafing. These were Ronald
Reagan's "freedom fighters." There would be
no revolution in Nicaragua.
Grenada, 1979-84:
What would drive the most powerful nation in the world
to invade a country of 110,000? Maurice Bishop and his
followers had taken power in a 1979 coup, and though
their actual policies were not as revolutionary as Castro's,
Washington was again driven by its fear of "another
Cuba," particularly when public appearances by the
Grenadian leaders in other countries of the region met
with great enthusiasm.
U. S. destabilization tactics against the Bishop government
began soon after the coup and continued until 1983, featuring
numerous acts of disinformation and dirty tricks. The
American invasion in October 1983 met minimal resistance,
although the U.S. suffered 135 killed or wounded; there
were also some 400 Grenadian casualties, and 84 Cubans,
mainly construction workers.
At the end of 1984, a questionable election was held
which was won by a man supported by the Reagan administration.
One year later, the human rights organization, Council
on Hemispheric Affairs, reported that Grenada's new U.S.-trained
police force and counter-insurgency forces had acquired
a reputation for brutality, arbitrary arrest, and abuse
of authority, and were eroding civil rights.
In April 1989, the government issued a list of more
than 80 books which were prohibited from being imported.
Four months later, the prime minister suspended parliament
to forestall a threatened no-confidence vote resulting
from what his critics called "an increasingly authoritarian
style."
Libya, 1981-89:
Libya refused to be a proper Middle East client state
of Washington. Its leader, Muammar el-Qaddafi, was uppity.
He would have to be punished. U.S. planes shot down two
Libyan planes in what Libya regarded as its air space.
The U. S . also dropped bombs on the country, killing
at least 40 people, including Qaddafi's daughter. There
were other attempts to assassinate the man, operations
to overthrow him, a major disinformation campaign, economic
sanctions, and blaming Libya for being behind the Pan
Am 103 bombing without any good evidence.
Panama, 1989:
Washington's bombers strike again. December 1989, a
large tenement barrio in Panama City wiped out, 15,000
people left homeless. Counting several days of ground
fighting against Panamanian forces, 500-something dead
was the official body count, what the U.S. and the new
U.S.-installed Panamanian government admitted to; other
sources, with no less evidence, insisted that thousands
had died; 3,000-something wounded. Twenty-three Americans
dead, 324 wounded.
Question from reporter: "Was it really worth it
to send people to their death for this? To get Noriega?"
George Bush: "Every human life is precious, and
yet I have to answer, yes, it has been worth it."
Manuel Noriega had been an American ally and informant
for years until he outlived his usefulness. But getting
him was not the only motive for the attack. Bush wanted
to send a clear message to the people of Nicaragua, who
had an election scheduled in two months, that this might
be their fate if they reelected the Sandinistas. Bush
also wanted to flex some military muscle to illustrate
to Congress the need for a large combat-ready force even
after the very recent dissolution of the "Soviet
threat."
The official explanation for the American ouster was
Noriega's drug trafficking, which Washington had known
about for years and had not been at all bothered by.
Iraq, 1990s:
Relentless bombing for more than 40 days and nights,
against one of the most advanced nations in the Middle
East, devastating its ancient and modern capital city;
177 million pounds of bombs falling on the people of
Iraq, the most concentrated aerial onslaught in the history
of the world; depleted uranium weapons incinerating people,
causing cancer; blasting chemical and biological weapon
storage and oil facilities; poisoning the atmosphere
to a degree perhaps never matched anywhere; burying soldiers
alive, deliberately; the infrastructure destroyed, with
a terrible effect on health; sanctions continued to this
day multiplying the health problems; perhaps a million
children dead by now from all of these things, even more
adults.
Iraq was the strongest military power among the Arab
states. This may have been their crime. Noam Chomsky
has written: "It's been a leading, driving doctrine
of U.S. foreign policy since the 1940s that the vast
and unparalleled energy resources of the Gulf region
will be effectively dominated by the United States and
its clients, and, crucially, that no independent, indigenous
force will be permitted to have a substantial influence
on the administration of oil production and price. "
Afghanistan, 1979-92:
Everyone knows of the unbelievable repression of women
in Afghanistan, carried out by Islamic fundamentalists,
even before the Taliban. But how many people know that
during the late 1970s and most of the 1980s, Afghanistan
had a government committed to bringing the incredibly
backward nation into the 20th century, including giving
women equal rights? What happened, however, is that the
United States poured billions of dollars into waging
a terrible war against this government, simply because
it was supported by the Soviet Union. Prior to this,
CIA operations had knowingly increased the probability
of a Soviet intervention, which is what occurred. In
the end, the United States won, and the women, and the
rest of Afghanistan, lost. More than a million dead,
three million disabled, five million refugees, in total
about half the population.
El Salvador, 1980-92:
El Salvador's dissidents tried to work within the system.
But with U.S. support, the government made that impossible,
using repeated electoral fraud and murdering hundreds
of protesters and strikers. In 1980, the dissidents took
to the gun, and civil war.
Officially, the U.S. military presence in El Salvador
was limited to an advisory capacity. In actuality, military
and CIA personnel played a more active role on a continuous
basis. About 20 Americans were killed or wounded in helicopter
and plane crashes while flying reconnaissance or other
missions over combat areas, and considerable evidence
surfaced of a U.S. role in the ground fighting as well.
The war came to an official end in 1992; 75,000 civilian
deaths and the U.S. Treasury depleted by six billion
dollars. Meaningful social change has been largely thwarted.
A handful of the wealthy still own the country, the poor
remain as ever, and dissidents still have to fear right-wing
death squads.
Haiti, 1987-94:
The U.S. supported the Duvalier family dictatorship
for 30 years, then opposed the reformist priest, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide. Meanwhile, the CIA was working intimately with
death squads, torturers, and drug traffickers. With this
as background, the Clinton White House found itself in
the awkward position of having to pretend-because of
all their rhetoric about "democracy"-that they
supported Aristide's return to power in Haiti after he
had been ousted in a 1991 military coup. After delaying
his return for more than two years, Washington finally
had its military restore Aristide to office, but only
after obliging the priest to guarantee that he would
not help the poor at the expense of the rich, and that
he would stick closely to free-market economics. This
meant that Haiti would continue to be the assembly plant
of the Western Hemisphere, with its workers receiving
literally starvation wages.
Yugoslavia, 1999:
The United States is bombing the country back to a
pre-industrial era. It would like the world to believe
that its intervention is motivated only by "humanitarian" impulses.
Perhaps the above history of U.S. interventions can help
one decide how much weight to place on this claim.
***
William Blum is the author of Killing Hope: US Military
and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Portions of
the book can be read at: http://members.aol. com/bblum6/American
holocaust.htm. |
An important seismic
event imperceptible to humans has begun in the Pacific
Northwest as predicted, according to the government agency
Geological Survey of Canada.
The chance of a major earthquake is
30 times higher now for a roughly two-week period,
but the odds are still remote, scientists say.
The event is called episodic tremor and slip (ETS).
It involves a slow movement of the Juan de Fuca and North
America tectonic plates along the Cascadia margin of
southern British Columbia. Faults associated with the
plates have been the sites of major earthquakes -- akin
to the colossal tsumani-causing quake last December in
Indonesia -- every 500 years or so, the geologic record
shows. The last such temblor in the area struck on Jan.
26 in the year 1700.
The movement is slower than a traditional earthquake
but more rapid than the normal creep associated with
the fault. It runs in the reverse direction of the normal
creep.
The movement was predicted. Scientists recently learned
that these ETS events recur about every 14 months. It
has been detected by Global Positioning System instruments.
The event does not mean an earthquake
is imminent, but geologists are eager to study it and
learn more and they say sooner or later an ETS event
is likely to trigger a major quake.
"Compared to the steady year-round
stress accumulation, this more rapid stress increase
implies that a large subduction earthquake is more likely
to happen during the time of an ETS event," the
Canadian geologists write.
The slippage and associated minor tremors "are
directly related to megathrust (Sumatra-like) earthquake
potential," lead geologist John Cassidy and a colleague
said in Tuesday's statement. "Neither the tremor
nor the slip can be felt."
Odds go up
The slip began Sept. 3 on the Olympic Peninsula of Washington
State and has migrated north to the Vancouver Island
area, Cassidy wrote. Victoria
moved 0.12 inches (3 millimeters) to the West over the
course of two days. The events are thought to last six
to 15 days.
Cassidy's colleague, Stephane Mazzotti, has done some
calculations on the odds of a large temblor.
"The probability of occurrence of a megathrust
earthquake is about 30 times higher during this approximately
two-week window, than during the rest of the 14.5 month
cycle," Cassidy told LiveScience. "Having said
that, 30 times a small number is still a small number."
Geologists simply don't know when one of these events
will trigger a major quake, Cassidy said.
The immediate importance of the event is that it occurred
as predicted and can now be used to improve understanding
of the region's seismology.
"By better understanding these events, we will
be able to better predict the effects (and perhaps timing)
of future magnitude 9 earthquakes along the West Coast," Cassidy
and his colleague write.
A separate study recently concluded that a major earthquake
along the fault could be overdue, given clusters of the
events seen in the geologic record. Because the fault
is offshore, scientists say its rupture could create
a devastating tsunami. |
An earthquake measuring
a moderate 4.4 points on the Richter scale shook the
northwestern Greek city of Ioannina this morning.
The Athens Geodynamic Institute said the epicentre
of the quake was 290km northwest of Athens.
There were no reports of material damage or injuries.
Six earthquakes ranging from 2.8 to five points on the
Richter scale shook northern Greece and the western Ionian
Sea on 13 September.
Greece is the most quake-prone country in Europe, accounting
for half of the continent's seismic activity. |
MOUNT
LAUREL, N.J. -- Enraged after being cut off by a teen
driver, authorities say a man then followed the high
school athlete home and tried to run the youth down
with his car. Instead, the 53-year-old was punched
into unconsciousness and died Tuesday.
The teen was jailed, charged with aggravated assault.
Jeffrey Zucker, a lawyer for the 17-year-old, said it
was a case of self-defense.
The charges against the boy, whose name was not released
because of his age, were filed before James D. Munter
died late Tuesday morning. The charges could be upgraded,
but Bill Shralow, a spokesman for the Camden County prosecutor's
office, said that decision would not be made Tuesday.
The youth cut off Munter, of Lindenwold, on a road in
Laurel Springs on Monday evening, authorities said.
Zucker said the teen was on his way home from football
practice around 5:30 p.m. when he inadvertently cut off
the other driver.
Authorities said Munter followed the
teen three miles to the student's home in Lindenwold, screaming
through his window all the way. The teen used a cell phone
to call his father, who told him to drive home, officials said.
When the teen arrived home, Zucker said, he ran across the
street to his home from his still-idling truck, but he was
not fast enough. With the teen's father watching, Munter
drove into the youth, authorities said.
The teen, who Zucker said is about 6-foot-6 and 300 pounds,
rolled off the hood of Munter's 1999 Mercury Sable, landed
on his feet, walked to the driver's side of the car and
punched Munter twice in the head.
Munter's son-in-law, Mark Serota, who described the man
as "nice, fun-loving, goodhearted," said he
lost consciousness instantly and never regained it.
Serota said police had asked the family not to talk about
the details of the incident, including whether it seemed
in character for Munter to follow or confront someone
he considered to be a rude driver.
The teen was ordered to remain in the Camden County Youth
Detention Center, at least until a hearing scheduled
for Thursday.
Zucker said he hoped his client would be released to
his parents then.
"It's a true tragedy because
it certainly escalated into something that shouldn't
have happened," Zucker said. "He was almost
killed."
Zucker said three officials at the school where his client
was a junior wrote letters supporting him, praising him
as a good student and good citizen.
Gerri Carroll, the schools superintendent in Lindenwold,
said extra help was available Tuesday for high school
students who needed support after hearing about the incident.
The boy, she said, is an "excellent student, which
is why this is very uncharacteristic." |
Veterinarians and animal rights activists on Tuesday
described in graphic detail how geese and ducks suffer
while being force-fed to create the liver delicacy
known as foie gras.
"I'm sorry I had breakfast after listening to
you," said Ald. Shirley Coleman (16th).
If there was any doubt about the torturous nature
of the process used to create the pricey appetizer,
veterinarian Dr. Holly Cheever cleared it up -- and
then some.
Cheever is a wildlife rehabilitator who specializes
in treating ducks, geese and other injured waterfowl.
She described how a goose or duck is restrained three
times a day while a steel feeding pipe is jammed down
its esophagus. That's how the delicacy known as foie
gras -- French for fatty liver -- is created.
Ducks 'die in massive pain'
"There is food spilling from the nostrils of
these poor animals, who choke to death. As the [enlarged]
liver fails, they develop a brain condition. You will
see birds having seizures or in comas still being grabbed
and force-fed. The liver is so expanded that, when
the handlers put too much pressure on their abdomens,
the livers may simply rupture and they die in massive
pain and discomfort from internal hemorrhage," Cheever
said.
"No other egg production, pork production, beef
production, dairy production -- nowhere do we intentionally
create a desperately ill animal, slaughter it just
before it's gonna die because you've made it so ill,
and then take this diseased organ, mix it up with herbs
and spices and slap it on a cracker on New Year's Eve."
'An affront to our humanity'
The way ducks and geese are force-fed is "outside
the bounds of acceptable conduct in a society that
values compassion," said Gene Bauston, president
of Farm Sanctuary, an organization he described as
the nation's leading farm-animal protection organization.
"Their livers expand up to six to ten times
their normal size. With a liver that big, the other
organs are being pushed. Their legs are being pushed
out, so it's hard to walk. It's even difficult to breathe
because the liver is pushing up against their lung
sacs," Bauston said.
"This is an indefensible practice. This is a
product that is spread on crackers. It's a delicacy.
It's an hors d'oeuvre. It is eaten by a very few people.
A Zogby poll conducted in Illinois within the last
couple of weeks found that 90 percent of Illinois citizens
either never ate foie gras or never even heard of foie
gras. It is a product that is
not necessary, an affront to our humanity."
After hearing the compelling testimony, the Health
Committee took no action on a proposal by Ald. Joe
Moore (49th) to ban the sale of foie gras in Chicago
restaurants.
Restaurants to get say
Health Committee Chairman Ed Smith (28th), who's keeping
an open mind, said he wants to hold at least one more
hearing to give restaurant owners who serve the controversial
delicacy an opportunity to weigh in on the ban.
Famed Chicago chef Charlie Trotter has already stopped
serving foie gras. According to Bauston, more than
100 other Illinois restaurants have signed similar
pledges.
But Illinois Restaurant Association President Colleen
McShane remains opposed to a ban, either at the state
or city level.
"What about chicken. Is chicken next? Will they
ban the sale of lamb and veal? If you start, where
do you stop?" McShane said. "When you open
this door, will it ever close?
"This has been around
forever. Why is it all of the sudden an issue? The
USDA controls how livestock, poultry and duck farms
are run. If the USDA thought there was cruelty [they
would step in]. The point is, this is not a local
issue." |
|
On the fourth
anniversary of the September 11th attacks, Laura Knight-Jadczyk
announces the availability of her latest book:
In the years since the 9/11 attacks, dozens of books
have sought to explore the truth behind the official
version of events that day - yet to date, none of
these publications has provided a satisfactory answer
as to WHY the attacks occurred and who was ultimately
responsible for carrying them out.
Taking a broad, millennia-long perspective, Laura
Knight-Jadczyk's 9/11:
The Ultimate Truth uncovers the true nature of
the ruling elite on our planet and presents new and
ground-breaking insights into just how the 9/11 attacks
played out.
9/11: The Ultimate
Truth makes a strong case for the idea that September
11, 2001 marked the moment when our planet entered
the final phase of a diabolical plan that has been
many, many years in the making. It is a plan developed
and nurtured by successive generations of ruthless
individuals who relentlessly exploit the negative
aspects of basic human nature to entrap humanity as
a whole in endless wars and suffering in order to
keep us confused and distracted to the reality of
the man behind the curtain.
Drawing on historical and genealogical sources, Knight-Jadczyk
eloquently links the 9/11 event to the modern-day
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. She also cites the clear
evidence that our planet undergoes periodic natural
cataclysms, a cycle that has arguably brought humanity
to the brink of destruction in the present day.
For its no nonsense style in cutting to the core
of the issue and its sheer audacity in refusing to
be swayed or distracted by the morass of disinformation
that has been employed by the Powers that Be to cover
their tracks, 9/11:
The Ultimate Truth can rightly claim to be THE
definitive book on 9/11 - and what that fateful day's
true implications are for the future of mankind.
Published by Red Pill Press
Scheduled for release on October 1,
2005, readers can pre-order the book today at our bookstore. |
For
the first time, the Signs Team's most popular and discerning
essays have been compiled into book form and thematically
organized.
These books contain hard hitting exposés into
human nature, propaganda, psyop activities and insights
into the world events that shape our future and our
understanding of the world.
The six new books, available now at our bookstore,
are entitled:
- 911 Conspiracy
- The Human Condition
- The Media
- Religion
- The Work
- U.S. Freedom
Read
them today - before the book burning starts! |
Readers
who wish to know more about who we are and what we do may visit
our portal site Quantum
Future
Remember,
we need your help to collect information on what is going on in
your part of the world!
We also need help to keep
the Signs of the Times online.
Send
your comments and article suggestions to us
Fair Use Policy Contact Webmaster at signs-of-the-times.org Cassiopaean materials Copyright ©1994-2014 Arkadiusz Jadczyk and Laura Knight-Jadczyk. All rights reserved. "Cassiopaea, Cassiopaean, Cassiopaeans," is a registered trademark of Arkadiusz Jadczyk and Laura Knight-Jadczyk. Letters addressed to Cassiopaea, Quantum Future School, Ark or Laura, become the property of Arkadiusz Jadczyk and Laura Knight-Jadczyk Republication and re-dissemination of our copyrighted material in any manner is expressly prohibited without prior written consent.
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