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The most successful tyranny
is not the one that uses force to assure uniformity but the one
that removes the awareness of other possibilities, that makes it
seem inconceivable that other ways are viable, that removes the
sense that there is an outside.
Allan Bloom The Closing of the American
Mind
It is dangerous to be right in matters on which the established authorities are wrong. --Voltaire--
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December 12, 2002 - As the World Turns Brought to You by The Bush Junta, Produced and Directed by the CIA, based on an original script by Henry Kissinger, with a cast of billions....
Night Of The Living Dead - One by one, in the dead of night, they push ghastly, rotting fingers through dank earth in an effort to grasp something solid and pull themselves up from moldering graves, figures of long-dead flesh, blank-eyed, capable of no feeling save an unnatural hunger that animates and drives them shakily forward. They are the gruesome remains of an earlier time, mysteriously returned to life, once more to exercise their malevolent influence on the planet. They are the Bush appointments -- Cheney, Rumsfeld, Reich, and Poindexter. And now we have the decayed bulk of Henry Kissinger again lurching into Washington. Kissinger has been reanimated and assigned to study the causes of what he himself helped create, terrorism.
Well, you might say, if police can use a skillful, lifelong criminal to understand a crime, as they often do, why not use a grotesque monster to understand monstrous events?
Kissinger and Bin Laden offer a dangerous symmetry - President Bush believes Henry Kissinger is the best choice to head up an investigation into the adequacy of our defenses against Al-Qaida and Osama bin Laden. He may be right. After all, as the schoolyard taunt goes, it takes one to know one. - Of course, you might say the comparison is unfair. Kissinger was overthrowing governments and aiding and abetting the murder of civilians to protect us. Bin Laden is trying to overthrow governments and is aiding and abetting the murder of civilians to destroy us. True enough. But the message that Kissinger's appointment has sent to the rest of the world is poisonous and antithetical to our announced intention of promoting justice and democracy.
Henry Kissinger: We Can Do Anything We Want! - “The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer.” HK - With the appointment of Henry Kissinger as chairman of the “Independent” 9-11 Investigative Commission, those who front the New World Order have officially told the American people that they can do anything they want to without any retribution or backlash. Oh sure, the Internet was buzzing with activity for a few days after this appointment and a few editorialists are writing columns, but in essence, this is just another example of their utter lack of regard for us. And what are we doing? Nothing. We’re still sitting around watching Big Brother stomp his mighty boots all around us while the War Machine gets ready to indulge its bloodthirsty appetite yet again. Mike Pope wrote in The Tallahassee Democrat, “Henry Kissinger should be tried for crimes against humanity, not put in charge of a commission to investigate the September 11, 2002 tragedy.” [ more...]
CIA and MI5 linked to Hammarskjöld death - The alleged plot to assassinate United Nations secretary general Dag Hammarskjöld 37 years ago was the brainchild of at least two British security agencies — MI5 and the Special Operations Executive — and the CIA, top-secret documents show. For once, apartheid's dirty tricks brigade appears to have been falsely accused of involvement in the murder. A series of messages between a commodore and a captain, whose names have been expunged by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, point to a plot hatched on South African soil by a group which had access to vast amounts of money and the ability to muster mercenary forces to protect international investment in turbulent post-colonial Africa. The messages, all on letterheads of the South Africa Institute for Maritime Research (SAIMR), cover the period from July 1960 to September 17 1961 — the day on which Hammarskjöld's aircraft crashed while approaching the airport at Ndola in the then Northern Rhodesia.
Ariel Sharon sez: "I want to tell you something very clear, don't worry about American pressure on Israel, we, the Jewish people control America, and the Americans know it."
A MILLION Americans will be given smallpox vaccinations under the first wave of a mass inoculation order being prepared by President Bush. The initial stage of the decision would see 500,000 military personnel and 510,000 civilian medical workers receive the jab. - Dick Cheney, the Vice-President, has been the driving force behind preventive vaccinations. Since the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks, Mr Cheney has frequently voiced fears that the US was underprepared for a bioterrorism attack.
France is preparing to administer smallpox vaccinations to an undisclosed number of emergency medical teams, including military and civilian doctors, nurses, drivers, helicopter pilots and administrators. The Government has also given orders for the preparation of a vaccination programme that would immunise the whole population within two weeks. The Health Ministry said that details of the vaccination plan, drawn up as a precaution against bioterrorism, would remain secret.
The Canadian Government is planning to vaccinate about 500 frontline medical workers, doctors, nurses, and laboratory technicians before the end of the year.
Recent outbreak of Hong Kong influenza in East Texas put officials on alert - After an outbreak of Hong Kong influenza among school children in East Texas, the health department here is urging all residents to get a flu shot. The virus could move south and arrive in Corpus Christi in as soon as three weeks, said Dr. Ardys Boostrom, acting director of the Corpus Christi Nueces County Health Department. Comment: I wonder how susceptible to a killing flu a person would be after a smallpox vaccination?
The Israeli military says it's found the bodies of five Palestinians -- who apparently tried to climb over a tall fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel. The army says soldiers shot and killed the five suspicious figures last night, after they were spotted near the border fence. Ladders have been found near the bodies -- but there were no weapons. The Gaza Strip is surrounded by a tall barbed-wire fence designed to keep militants out of Israel. But Palestinian laborers trying to sneak into Israel to find work sometimes try to cut through or climb over the fence.
Bush Funds Iran Terrorist group - President George Bush has allocated funds of around 92 million Euros for “defence spending”, namely the donation of funding to six Iraqi opposition groups. One of these, the SCIRI, is based in Iran, a country which Bush accuses of being a member of the Axis of Evil and which he accuses of supporting terrorism and seeking to produce illegal weapons. Providing weaponry or funds to purchase weaponry to a group which openly professes to conduct a campaign of violence against the Iraqi authorities is an act of international terrorism and interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation.
Turkey outlines price of co-operation with US - Philip Gordon, a defence analyst at Brookings, said: "Turkey has about $5bn in military debt to the US, and that will be on the table. Turkey is throwing big numbers around, of about $25bn in assistance, but that does not seem realistic. They will be wanting to address foreign military sales from the US, economic aid and IMF support. If the US wants ground troops in Turkey, they will have to pay a price for it." Turkish military support is considered vital by the US administration and military analysts for any potential invasion of Iraq. However, last week when Paul Wolfowitz, deputy secretary of defence, was in Turkey, he did not receive wholehearted public endorsement for the level of co-operation the US could expect. Loren Thompson, defence analyst at the Lexington Institute in Washington, said: "The single most important thing is unfettered US access to the Incirlik air base in south central Turkey.
Mitchell quits Kissinger's 9/11 inquiry - The former US senator George Mitchell resigned yesterday from a commission set up to investigate the September 11 terrorist attacks, just weeks after the controversial appointment of the former secretary of state Henry Kissinger as chairman. Mr Mitchell, who played a key role in the Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland, cited a reluctance to quit his law firm as the reason for stepping down. The former senate majority leader, who was to be vice-chairman of the commission, claimed he had not realised it was a full-time job. But there was speculation that the Democrat was uncomfortable working alongside Mr Kissinger, 79, who has been brought back in from the political cold to run the investigation. Several recent books and a documentary have questioned his honesty and integrity, and his appointment to chair the commission by President Bush was greeted with astonishment among many commentators. Christopher Hitchens' book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger, accuses him of war crimes for his activities in Vietnam, Cambodia and Chile, while Daniel Ellsberg's new book, Secrets, is severely critical of his behaviour in the Vietnam war era.
'It's time to take risks' - A little more than 30 years ago, the leaking of 7,000 pages of Pentagon documents, which exposed an extraordinary catalogue of lies and duplicity on the part of the US government, helped to bring an end to the war in Vietnam. Daniel Ellsberg, a former marine company commander, who had served in Vietnam, leaked the documents, risking a life sentence to do so. Now he is finally telling the whole story of how he became perhaps the most important whistle-blower of the past half century.
Secrets is his account of how he, an analyst with the Rand Corporation, who had worked in the Pentagon under defence secretary Robert McNamara and for the state department in Vietnam, was finally driven by his conscience to reveal how successive US governments had stumbled into a war that cost more than a million Vietnamese and 55,000 American lives, and how successive presidents had lied to the American people about the conflict's conduct and consequences.
Ellsberg photocopied what were to become known as the Pentagon papers, and then tried to persuade politicians to release them and alert the country. When that failed, he gave them to the New York Times. To ensure that the papers would all be distributed, he went on the run, prompting what was described as "the largest FBI manhunt since the Lindbergh kidnapping". When the FBI finally caught up with him in June 1971, he was charged with 12 felonies and faced 115 years in jail.
He might well still be in prison were it not for the almost psychopathic desire of President Nixon and his team to extract revenge: a burglary of Ellsberg's psychoanalyst's office was authorised in the hope of finding information that might discredit him or, when publicised, drive him to suicide. The Watergate burglars, Gordon Liddy and Howard Hunt, carried it out. A team of heavies was recruited to break Ellsberg's legs. His phone was tapped. It also emerged, during his trial in 1973, that the judge had earlier been offered the post of director of the FBI, a job he coveted.
Once these plots became known, the judge had to abandon the trial and acquit Ellsberg. The Pentagon papers also helped to so discredit the war that they became one of the key factors in the US's final withdrawal and Nixon's humiliating resignation. Ellsberg became a counter-cultural hero.
The CIA in Australia - Extracted from a six part series on the CIA, the American Central Intelligence Agency, and its involvement in Australia including the overthrow of the Whitlam Government. - The recent attempt on the life of General Pinochet, the 13th anniversary of the CIA-backed coup which overturned the Allende government in Chile, the continuing war against the Angolan government and CIA involvement in Australia and New Zealand politics have made sure that the Agency's role, especially in Australia, remains the focus of continuing controversy and concern in the community. In this special two part series, we look at the CIA and its covert operations against governments, trade unions, community organisations and individuals in Australia. Today, in part 1, Tony Douglas looks at the CIA's global role and then at its covert destabilisation operations against the Whitlam government through the Nugan-Hand bank.
The Central Intelligence Agency or CIA was set up in 1947 when the United States Congress passed the National Security Act. Since then the CIA with its large and secret budget has involved itself in the politics of nearly every country in the world. One of its four divisions, innocuously entitled PLANS is responsible for covert actions. Covert Action often means the propping up or overturning of foreign governments. I asked Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent, as to how many governments the CIA had overthrown.
Ralph McGehee: The Agency, of course, overthrew the Mossadegh government of Iran to establish the Shah; it overthrew the government of Guatemala in 54, remnants of it are still in control of that country; it overthrew two Uruguayan governments; the government of Brazil in 64, Chile 73. It tried to overthrow the government of Cuba in 61 with the Bay of Pigs; it conducted invasions of China; it was running guerrilla warfare operations in the Soviet Union, Nepal, Albania; it was involving itself in elections in Italy beginning in 48 up to the 70s, it spent a hundred million dollars in various Italian elections; it was involving itself in elections in Germany. In one country, Syria, I've counted so far that it has conducted at least seven attempts to overturn the governments there. I don't know how many were successful -- I haven't got into that area. But the Middle East has been the sort of favourite playground of covert operations. In Africa, of course, the same thing. They are trying right now to overthrow the government of Angola. Recently, they tried to overthrow the government of Ethiopia. I'd say that I don't think there is a government in Latin America that has neither been overthrown nor supported by the CIA. And probably I could say much the same for governments in the Middle East and, less to do, in Africa. ...
Comment from a reader in Oz: Parts of this article are common knowledge in Australia although it seems only the intellegensia is interested in it. Good read, and to think I read a book by an ex CIA director which said there were four countries the CIA did not spy on the UK, NZ, CAN and OZ... yeah right!
FAKE INVASION, THE FAKE RAPTURE - A Cosmic Awareness Overview of the Coming Scenario - Interesting and certainly full of insights, but keep the salt handy.
This is the second of two reports about persistent stories of anomalous phenomena in a section of northeastern Utah. The activity, as reported by hundreds of witnesses over several decades, includes UFOs, unusual balls of light, animal mutilations and disappearances, poltergeist events, sightings of Bigfoot-like creatures and other unidentified animals, physical effects on plants, soil, animals and humans, and a vast array of other unexplained incidents.
December 11, 2002 - Secret Service Agents question a Bellbrook High School student for wearing a controversial t-shirt. - The Assistant Principal confiscated the shirt, called the FBI and agents then called the secret service.
But Then It Was Too Late - "What no one seemed to notice," said a colleague of mine, a philologist, "was the ever widening gap, after 1933, between the government and the people. Just think how very wide this gap was to begin with, here in Germany. And it became always wider. You know it doesn't make people close to their government to be told that this is a people's government, a true democracy, or to be enrolled in civilian defense, or even to vote. All this has little, really nothing, to do with knowing one is governing.
"What happened here was the gradual habituation of the people, little by little, to being governed by surprise; to receiving decisions deliberated in secret; to believing that the situation was so complicated that the government had to act on information which the people could not understand, or so dangerous that, even if he people could understand it, it could not be released because of national security. And their sense of identification with Hitler, their trust in him, made it easier to widen this gap and reassured those who would otherwise have worried about it.
"This separation of government from people, this widening of the gap, took place so gradually and so insensibly, each step disguised (perhaps not even intentionally) as a temporary emergency measure or associated with true patriotic allegiance or with real social purposes. And all the crises and reforms (real reforms, too) so occupied the people that they did not see the slow motion underneath, of the whole process of government growing remoter and remoter.
"You will understand me when I say that my Middle High German was my life. It was all I cared about. I was a scholar, a specialist. Then, suddenly, I was plunged into all the new activity, as the universe was drawn into the new situation; meetings, conferences, interviews, ceremonies, and, above all, papers to be filled out, reports, bibliographies, lists, questionnaires. And on top of that were the demands in the community, the things in which one had to, was "expected to" participate that had not been there or had not been important before. It was all rigmarole, of course, but it consumed all one's energies, coming on top of the work one really wanted to do. You can see how easy it was, then, not to think about fundamental things. One had no time."
"Those," I said, "are the words of my friend the baker. "One had no time to think. There was so much going on."
"Your friend the baker was right," said my colleague. "The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your "little men", your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about - we were decent people - and kept us so busy with continuous changes and "crises" and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the "national enemies", without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?
"To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it - please try to believe me - unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, "regretted," that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these "little measures" that no "patriotic German" could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.
"How is this to be avoided, among ordinary men, even highly educated ordinary men? Frankly, I do not know. I do not see, even now. Many, many times since it all happened I have pondered that pair of great maxims, Principiis obsta and Finem respice - "Resist the beginnings" and "consider the end." But one must foresee the end in order to resist, or even see, the beginnings. One must foresee the end clearly and certainly and how is this to be done, by ordinary men or even by extraordinary men? Things might have changed here before they went as far as they did; they didn't, but they might have. And everyone counts on that might.
"Your "little men," your Nazi friends, were not against National Socialism in principle. Men like me, who were, are the greater offenders, not because we knew better (that would be too much to say) but because we sensed better. Pastor Niemoller spoke for the thousands and thousands of men like me when he spoke (too modestly of himself) and said that, when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy, but, after all, he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing: and then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier, but, still, he was not a Socialist, and he did nothing; and then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something - but then it was too late."
"Yes," I said.
"You see," my colleague went on, "one doesn't see exactly where or how to move. Believe me, this is true. Each act, each occasion, is worse than the last, but only a little worse. You wait for the next and the next. You wait for the one great shocking occasion, thinking that others, when such a shock comes, will join with you in resisting somehow. You don't want to act, or even to talk, alone; you don't want to "go out of your way to make trouble." Why not? - Well, you are not in the habit of doing it. And it is not just fear, fear of standing alone, that restrains you; it is also genuine uncertainty.
"Uncertainty is a very important factor, and, instead of decreasing as time goes on, it grows. Outside, in the streets, in the general community, everyone is happy. One hears no protest, and certainly sees none. You know, in France or Italy there will be slogans against the government painted on walls and fences; in Germany, outside the great cities, perhaps, there is not even this. In the university community, in your own community, you speak privately to you colleagues, some of whom certainly feel as you do; but what do they say? They say, "It's not so bad" or "You're seeing things" or "You're an alarmist."
"And you are an alarmist. You are saying that this must lead to this, and you can't prove it. These are the beginnings, yes; but how do you know for sure when you don't know the end, and how do you know, or even surmise, the end? On the one hand, your enemies, the law, the regime, the Party, intimidate you. On the other, your colleagues pooh- pooh you as pessimistic or even neurotic. You are left with your close friends, who are, naturally, people who have always thought as you have.
"But your friends are fewer now. Some have drifted off somewhere or submerged themselves in their work. You no longer see as many as you did at meetings or gatherings. Informal groups become smaller; attendance drops off in little organizations, and the organizations themselves wither. Now, in small gatherings of your oldest friends, you feel that you are talking to yourselves, that you are isolated from the reality of things. This weakens your confidence still further and serves as a further deterrent to – to what? It is clearer all the time that, if you are going to do anything, you must make an occasion to do it, and then you are obviously a troublemaker. So you wait, and you wait.
"But the one great shocking occasion, when tens or hundreds or thousands will join with you, never comes. That's the difficulty. If the last and worst act of the whole regime had come immediately after the first and the smallest, thousands, yes, millions would have been sufficiently shocked – if, let us say, the gassing of the Jews in "43" had come immediately after the "German Firm" stickers on the windows of non-Jewish shops in "33". But of course this isn't the way it happens. In between come all the hundreds of little steps, some of them imperceptible, each of them preparing you not to be shocked by the next. Step C is not so much worse than Step B, and, if you did not make a stand at Step B, why should you at Step C? And so on to Step D.
"And one day, too late, your principles, if you were ever sensible of them, all rush in upon you. The burden of self deception has grown too heavy, and some minor incident, in my case my little boy, hardly more than a baby, saying "Jew swine," collapses it all at once, and you see that everything, everything, has changed and changed completely under your nose. The world you live in – your nation, your people – is not the world you were in at all. The forms are all there, all untouched, all reassuring, the houses, the shops, the jobs, the mealtimes, the visits, the concerts, the cinema, the holidays. But the spirit, which you never noticed because you made the lifelong mistake of identifying it with the forms, is changed. Now you live in a world of hate and fear, and the people who hate and fear do not even know it themselves; when everyone is transformed, no one is transformed. Now you live in a system which rules without responsibility even to God. The system itself could not have intended this in the beginning, but in order to sustain itself it was compelled to go all the way.
"You have gone almost all the way yourself. Life is a continuing process, a flow, not a succession of acts and events at all. It has flowed to a new level, carrying you with it, without any effort on your part. On this new level you live, you have been living more comfortably every day, with new morals, new principles. You have accepted things you would not have accepted five years ago, a year ago, things that your father, even in Germany, could not have imagined.
"Suddenly it all comes down, all at once. You see what you are, what you have done, or, more accurately, what you haven't done ( for that was all that was required of most of us: that we do nothing). You remember those early meetings of your department in the university when, if one had stood, others would have stood, perhaps, but no one stood. A small matter, a matter of hiring this man or that, and you hired this one rather than that. You remember everything now, and your heart breaks. Too late. You are compromised beyond repair.
"What then? You must then shoot yourself. A few did. Or "adjust" your principles. Many tried, and some, I suppose, succeeded; not I, however. Or learn to live the rest of your life with your shame. This last is the nearest there is, under the circumstances, to heroism: shame. Many Germans became this poor kind of hero, many more, I think, than the world knows or cares to know."
I said nothing. I thought of nothing to say.
"I can tell you," my colleague went on, "of a man in Leipzig, a judge. He was not a Nazi, except nominally, but he certainly wasn't an anti-Nazi. He was just – a judge. In "42" or "43", early "43", I think it was, a Jew was tried before him in a case involving, but only incidentally, relations with an "Aryan" woman. This was "race injury", something the Party was especially anxious to punish. In the case a bar, however, the judge had the power to convict the man of a "nonracial" offense and send him to an ordinary prison for a very long term, thus saving him from Party "processing" which would have meant concentration camp or, more probably, deportation and death. But the man was innocent of the "nonracial" charge, in the judge's opinion, and so, as an honorable judge, he acquitted him. Of course, the Party seized the Jew as soon as he left the courtroom."
"And the judge?"
"Yes, the judge. He could not get the case off his conscience – a case, mind you, in which he had acquitted an innocent man. He thought that he should have convicted him and saved him from the Party, but how could he have convicted an innocent man? The thing preyed on him more and more, and he had to talk about it, first to his family, then to his friends, and then to acquaintances. (That's how I heard about it.) After the "44" Putsch they arrested him. After that, I don't know."
I said nothing.
"Once the war began," my colleague continued, "resistance, protest, criticism, complaint, all carried with them a multiplied likelihood of the greatest punishment. Mere lack of enthusiasm, or failure to show it in public, was "defeatism." You assumed that there were lists of those who would be "dealt with" later, after the victory. Goebbels was very clever here, too. He continually promised a "victory orgy" to "take care of" those who thought that their "treasonable attitude" had escaped notice. And he meant it; that was not just propaganda. And that was enough to put an end to all uncertainty.
"Once the war began, the government could do anything "necessary" to win it; so it was with the "final solution" of the Jewish problem, which the Nazis always talked about but never dared undertake, not even the Nazis, until war and its "necessities" gave them the knowledge that they could get away with it. The people abroad who thought that war against Hitler would help the Jews were wrong. And the people in Germany who, once the war had begun, still thought of complaining, protesting, resisting, were betting on Germany's losing the war. It was a long bet. Not many made it."
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