In order to change the regime
in the Ukraine, the CIA ordered exit polls that they presented as
definite even before the counting of the votes. It sent out thousands
of observers, recruited through the intermediary of Eastern European
associations, to cry out about the falsification of the elections.
Finally, it paid thousands of cadres from the opposition and trained
them in street demonstrations. The richest revolution in the world
was conceived as a spectacle for Western television.
Prior to the first round of presidential elections in the Ukraine,
we alerted our readers to the deployment of US agents mandated to
influence the election [1]. The operation was headed for the CIA
by Colonel Robert Helvey who had already supervised the elections
in Yugoslavia and Georgia. It was officially financed, for its public
part, to the tune of 13 million dollars.
To complete our readers’ information, we have reconstructed
a chronology of the events from dispatches from Interfax to which
we have added information on the protagonists.
Three Days That Shook the Ukraine
Sunday, November 21, 2004, at around 3 pm, the headquarters of
the candidate Yushchenko informed press agencies that more than
2,500 foreign observers were prohibited from entering the polling
stations. Immediately, several hundred young supporters assembled
in front of the office of the Electoral Commission to denounce the
“fixing of the elections”.
When voting ended, at 8 pm, Richard G. Lugar, Chairman of the Foreign
Affairs Committee of the US Senate and special envoy of President
George W. Bush, declared to the press that the elections should
be invalidated. At the same time, Socis Institute published an exit
poll showing Yushchenko had won with 49% against 45.9% for Yanukovych.
For its part, the Razumkov Centre of the International Sociological
Institute gave Yushchenko 58% against 39% for Yanukovych. Without
waiting for the counting of the votes, 3,000 supporters of Viktor
Yushchenko descended upon the centre of Kiev to proclaim their victory.
Their number reached several tens of thousands during the evening.
Towards midnight, the demonstrators dispersed. At 1 am, the Electoral
Commission announced that one quarter of the polling stations had
finished counting the ballots and broadcast the first results. But,
contradicting the exit polls, it was Yanukovych who arrived on top
with 53% against 45.48% for his opponent. Immediately, Viktor Yushchenko,
denouncing a fix, went to the office of the Commission to demand
a recount in the first polling stations.
Monday morning the 22nd, the crowd gathered again in Independence
Square where Yushchenko had prepared a large stage. He arrived himself
around 11 am. The Electoral Commission was to publish the latest
results at noon. But, at 11:55, speaking before his militants, Yushchenko
denounced the fixed results ahead of time and called for non-violent
resistance against the dictatorship. By noon, the Commission had
received 98% of the results. The spread between the two candidates
had narrowed, but Yanukovych remained in the lead with 49.57% of
the votes against 46.57% for his opponent.
Around 3 pm, the Organisation for European Security and Cooperation
declared that the Ukraine had failed to meet international standards
for democratic elections. At 4 pm, Senator Lugar issued a press
release accusing the authorities of falsifying the results.
During this time, the Kiev Municipal Council denounced the results
and proclaimed Yushchenko the president of the Ukraine. Then, it
voted a motion to defy the Electoral Commission and called upon
Parliament to recognise the new president.
At 5:40, the Secretary of the Defence, Rudkovsky, called the military
back to their bases. At 7:40, the Procurer General’s Office
issued a press release indicating that it was ready to repress any
violation of the constitutional order, but several minutes later,
Lytvyn, the head of the Parliament, assured that there was no question
of declaring a state of emergency.
At 8:15, Russian president Vladimir Putin is the first foreign
head of state to recognise a winner. He sent a message of congratulations
to Mr. Yanukovych.
Tuesday the 23rd, Lytvyn tries to mediate. He invites the two candidates
and the members of the Electoral Commission to a meeting at the
Parliament. There are reports of 100,000 demonstrators in Kiev.
At 12:30, Freedom House calls upon foreign governments and intergovernmental
agencies to condemn the fraud. Several minutes later, the European
Union demands a revision of the results. At 1:30, the National Democratic
Institute declares that it does not recognise the legitimacy of
the vote.
At 2:55, the Minister of the Interior dismisses the rumour that
Russian special troops had entered the Ukraine.
At 4:00 the president of Belarus is the second foreign head of
state to congratulate M. Yanukovych on his election.
The crowd moves towards Parliament. Even though the session was
over, a hundred or so members of parliament declare Yushchenko elected
and swear him in. The “new” president pronounces a short
speech during which he accuses the outgoing president Leonid Kuchma
of leading the country towards civil war.
At 8 pm, Poland is the first foreign country to denounce the official
result. “President” Yushchenko announces the creation
of a Coordinating Council for the Protection of the Constitution
and starts a provisional government.
On Wednesday, November 24, the crowd is still as thick in Independence
Square. At 12:30, the Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister invites
the Ukrainian authorities to do a recount. At 1 pm, the Electoral
Commission announces the complete and final results: Yanukovych
is elected with 49.53% of the vote. Viktor Yanukovych declares himself
ready to assume the functions the people have just confided upon
him.
At 4:30, “President” Yeshchenko calls on the police
and the military to fraternise with the demonstrators. At 8:30 pm,
Secretary of State Colin Powell announces that the United States
does not recognise the election results.
Decoding
During the election campaign, Viktor Yanukovych abused his position
as sitting Prime Minister to use private and public media to bolster
his campaign. During the same period, Viktor Yushchenko paid and
trained thousands of activists from funds coming from the United
States. Contravening the rules of the OESC, the Ukrainian Elections
Code recognises as international observers only official delegations,
not NGOs. According to the right-hand man of M. Yushchenko, 2,500
observers were turned away from polling stations. It seems these
were 1,000 observers from the European Network of Election Monitoring
Organizations (ENEMO).
The election delegates chosen by the candidates and the international
observers from the Parliamentary Assembly of the OESC, the Parliamentary
Assembly from NATO, from the European Council, from the European
Parliament, and from OESC were able to survey the voting normally.
ENEMO is a collection of Eastern European associations. Each of
them is financed by Madeleine Albright’s National Democratic
Institute, while the common secretariat of the collection is financed
by the Open Society Institute of George Soros and is led by British
diplomats. The group includes the Ukrainian association Committee
on Voters of Ukraine (CVU), editor of the paper Tochka Zory. The
displacement of 1,000 observers was jointly financed by James Woolsey’s
Freedom House, Albright’s National Democratic Institute, and
John McCain’s International Republican Institute. Remember
that these two organizations are appendices of the National Endowment
for Democracy, the public face of the CIA [2].
The exit polls, published by the Socis Institute and the Razumkov
Centre, were funded by the United States. The same procedure was
used during the revocation referendum in Venezuela where an exit
poll was conducted by Penn Shoen & Berland Associates for the
opposition association Sumate, financed by the US. The exit poll
showed the opposition winning by 59% while the Electoral Commission
had them losing with 41%. On the basis of this exit poll, a crowd
amassed in the centre of Caracas to drive out President Chavez.
Ultimately, the international observers, such as the Carter Center
and the Réseau Voltaire, confirmed the official results.
[3]
More than 1,000 cadres of the Pora youth association and the Committee
on Voters of Ukraine received an average salary of $3,000 per month,
a more than comfortable income for the Ukraine. This remuneration
was financed by the United States, via USAID and NED. The first
experiment in paying thousands of extras to act in a demonstration
before the press was carried out by Britain’s MI6 and the
CIA for Operation Ajax: in 1952, they recruited 6,000 extras in
Iran to march against the Royal Palace and overthrow Mossadegh.
[4]
Thousands of tents and blankets were made available to demonstrators
so they could camp out in Independence Square where free meals were
served. All the logistics were prepared by USAID.
The declaration of the OESC claiming the Ukraine had failed to
meet international standards for a democratic election was based
largely on the disequilibrium of the election campaign and not on
the vote itself which, although marked by a number of incidents,
didn’t appear too irregular. The various statements from Senator
Richard G. Lugar demanding the annulation of the election were not
accompanied by any precise descriptions of the alleged fraudulent
activity.
Polish President Kwasniewski, after denouncing the official results,
proposed to mediate between the two candidates. Simultaneously,
he made available to his predecessor, Lech Walesa, public monies
to visit Kiev where Walesa participated in M. Yushchenko’s
meetings in Independence Square.
This “richest revolution in the world” was conceived
for the public in the United States.
Yushchenko’s Internet site is entirely translated into English.
The street demonstrations were orchestrated for Western television
with a know-how that hasn’t failed since the overthrow of
Ceausescu and the mass graves of Timisoara.
[1] « Washington et Mocou se livrent bataille
en Ukraine » by Emilia Nazarenko and the editors of, Voltaire,
1er November 2004.
[2] « NED : La nébuleuse de l'ingérence démocratique
» by Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire,
22 January 2004.
[3] « Les sondages ou les urnes ? » Voltaire, 23 August
2004.
[4] « BP Amoco, coalition pétrolière anglo-saxonne
» by Arthur Lepic, Voltaire, 10 June
2004.
Translated by Signs-of-the-Times
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